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HERODOTUS the great Greek historian 
was born about 484 B.C., at HaHcar- 
nassus in Caria, Asia Minor, when it was 
subject to the Persians. He travelled 
widely in most of Asia Minor, Egypt (as 
far as Assuan), North Africa, Syria, the 
country north of the Black Sea, and many 
parts of the Aegean Sea and the mainland 
of Greece. He lived, it seems, for some 
time in Athens, and in 443 went with 
other colonists to the new city Thurii (in 
South Italy) where he died about 430 B.C. 
He was 'the prose correlative of the bard, 
a narrator of the deeds of real men, and a 
describer of foreign places* (Murray). His 
famous history of warfare between the 
Greeks and the Persians has an epic 
dignity which enhances his delightful style. 
It includes the rise of the Persian power 
and an account of the Persian empire ; the 
description of Egypt fills one book; 
because Darius attacked Scythia, the 
geography and customs of that land are 
also given ; even in the later books on the 
attacks of the Persians against Greece there 
are digressions. All is most entertaining 
and produces a grand unity. After personal 
inquiry and study of hearsay and other 
evidence, Herodotus gi^'es us a not un- 
critical estimate of the best that he could 
find. , _ 

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fT. E. PAGE, C.H., LiTT.D. jE. CAPPS, ph.d., ll.d. 
\w. H. D. ROUSE, LITT.D. JL. A. POST, l.h.d. 
E. H. WARMINGTON, m.a., f.r.hist.soc. 


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A. ]). GODLKY 








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American ISBN 0-674-99130-3 
British ISBN 434 99117 1 

First printed 1920 

Revised and Reprinted 1926, 1931, 

1946, 1960, 1966, 1975 

Printed in Great Britain 

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BOOK II 273 



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It is impossible to give certain and undisputed 
dates for the lifetime of Herodotus. But if we are 
to believe Aulus Gellius, be was born in 484 n.c. ; 
and the internal evidence of his History proves that 
he was alive during some part of the Peloponnesian 
war, as he alludes to incidents which occurred in its 
earlier years. He may therefore be safely said to 
have been a contemporary of the two great wars 
which respectively founded and ended the brief and 
brilliant pre-eminence of Athens in Hellas. He 
belongs in the fullest sense to the " great " period 
of Greek history. 

Herodotus was (it is agreed on all hands) a native 
of Halicarnassus in Caria ; and if his birth fell in 484, 
he was born a subject of the Great King. His early 
life was spent, apparently, in his native town, or 
possibly in the island of Samos, of which he shows 
an intimate knowledge. Tradition asserts that after 
a visit to Samos he " returned to Halicarnassus and 
expelled the tyrant" (Lygdamis); "but when later 
he saw himself disliked by his countrymen, he went 
as a volunteer to Thurium, when it was being colonised 

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by the Athenians. There he died and lies buried 
in the market-place."^ This is supported by good 
evidence, and there seems to be no reason for doubt- 
ing it. It is also stated that he visited Athens and 
there recited some part of his history ; this may have 
happened, as alleged, about the year 445. It is 
evident from his constant allusions to Athens that he 
knew it well, and must have lived there. 

So much may be reasonably taken as certain. 
Beyond it we know very little ; there is a large field 
for conjecture, and scholars have not hesitated to 
expatiate in it. If Herodotus Avas banished from 
Halicarnassus for political reasons, it is probable that 
he was a man of some standing in his birth-place. 
The unquestioned fact that he travelled far makes it 
likely that he was well-to-do. But his history, full 
as it is to the brim of evidences of travel, is never 
(except in an occasional phrase, " I have myself seen," 
and the like) autobiographical ; and we know nothing, 
from any actual statement of the historian's own, of 
the date of his various visits to the countries which 
he describes. Probably they were spread over a 
considerable part of his life. All that can be said is 
that he must have visited Egypt after 460 b.c, and 
may have been before that date in Scythia. Nothing 
else can be asserted ; we only know that at some time 
or other Herodotus travelled not only in Greece and 
the Aegean, of which he obviously has personal 
knowledge, but also in a large part of wliat we call 

^ Suidas. 

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the Near East. He saw with his own eyes much of 
Asia Minor; Egypt, as far south as Assuan ; Cyrene 
and the country round it ; Syria, and eastern lands 
perhaps as far as Mesopotamia ; and the northern 
coast of the Black Sea. Within these limits, ττολλών 
ανθρώπων ISev άστεα καΐ νόον Ιγνω, But as the dates 
of his travels are unknown, so is their intention. 
Did he travel to collect materials for his history, its 
scheme being already formed? or was that history 
the outcome of the traveller's experiences ? We only 
know that Herodotus' wanderings and the nine books 
of his narrative are mutually interwoven. 

His professed object is, as he states it in the first 
sentence of his first book, to write the history of the 
Graeco-Persian war. But in order to do this he 
must first describe the rise of the Persian empire, to 
which the chapters on Lydia and the story of -Croesus 
are introductory. When he comes in due time to 
relate the Persian invasion of Egypt, this is the cue 
for a description and history of the Nile valley, 
occupying the Λνΐιοΐβ of the second book ; and the 
story of Darius' subsequent expedition against Scythia 
leads naturally to a long digression on the geography 
and customs of that country. The narrative in the 
later books, dealing with the actual Persian invasion 
of Greece, is naturally less broken ; but till then 
at least it is interrupted by constant episodes and 
digressions, here a chapter, there a whole book ; it 
is the historian's practice, as he himself says, to in- 
troduce προσθήκαζ, additions, whenever anything even 


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remotely eonnected with the matter in hand occurs 
to him as likely to interest the reader. The net 
result is really a history of the Near East, and a good 
deal besides ; a summary of popular knowledge or 
belief respecting recent events and the world as 
known more or less to the Greeks ; which eventually, 
after branching out into countless digressions and 
divagations, centres in the crowning narrative o: 
Marathon, Thermopylae, Salamis, Plataea. Tor- 
tuously, but never tediously, Herodotus' history 
moves to this goal. For all his discursiveness, h• 
does not lack unity. ^* He is the first," it has beei 
said, "to construct a long and elaborate narrative 
in Avhich many parts are combined in due subordina 
tion and arrangement to make one great whole." 
That a narrative so comprehensive in its nature — 
dealing with so great a variety of subjects, and drawr 
from sources so miscellaneous — should contain mucl 
which cannot be regarded as serious history, is onl) 
to be expected. It is impossible to generalise 
Avhere popular belief and ascertained fact, hearsay 
and ocular evidence are blended, '^ the historical 
value of the matter found in Herodotus' work varies 
not merely from volume to volume, or from book tc 
book, but from paragraph to paragraph, from sentence 
to sentence, from line to line. Every separate story, 
every individual statement is to be tried on its own 
merits." ^ Many critics have not taken the trouble 

^ How and Wells' Commenlary on Herodotus. 
2 R. W. Macan, Herodotus IV -VI. 

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to exercise this discrimination ; it Avas for a long 
time the fashion to dismiss the Father of History as 
a garrulous raconteur, hoping to deceive his readers 
as easily as he himself was deceived by his informants. 
This ^'parcel of lies " type of criticism may now, for- 
tiinately, be considered extinct. Modern research, 
which began by discrediting Herodotus, has with 
fuller knowledge come to far different conclusions. 
It should be now (says Dr. Macan) '^ universally 
recognised that the most stringent application of 
historical and critical methods to the text of Hero- 
dotus leaves the work irremovably and irreplaceably 
at the head of European prose literature, Avhether in 
its scientific or in its artistic character." He has 
been blamed for a "garrulity" Avhich gives currency 
to much which is alleged to be beneath the dignity 
of history. But most scholars must now agree that 
even from the historical standpoint the world would 
have lost much of infinite value had Herodotus been 
more reticent; his "garrulity" is often proved to 
point the way to right conclusions. 

Obviously, the condition of human beliefs and 
opinions falls within the field of history. Where 
Herodotus plainly and demonstrably errs, he is often 
of supreme interest as indicating contemporary 
thought, which he not only summarises but criticises 
as well. His geography and his meteorology are repre- 
sentative of a stage of thought. He has not arrived 
at truth (naturally!) but he is consistent with a current 
opinion Λvhich is nearer to truth than earlier con- 

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ceptions of the λυογΜ. It is true that the sun's course 
is not affected, as Herodotus believes it to be, by the 
wind. It is also true that the Danube does not rise 
in the Pyrenees, and that the course of the upper 
Nile is not from west to east. ^ But no one in his 
time knew better. He reflects and discusses con- 
temporary opinion ; he rejects earlier and more 
primitive ideas. It may be counted to him for 
righteousness that if he knows much less than Strabo, 
at least he knows a great deal more than Homer. 

Always and everywhere, Herodotus gives us the 
best that is accessible to him ; and it is one of his 
great merits as a historian that he does not give it 
uncritically. Scanty justice, till lately, has been 
done him in this matter ; in reality, his manner of 
retailing what has been told him shows anything but 
credulity. Definite acceptance is much rarer than 
plain expressions of disbelief in what he has heard ; 
*' they say, but I do not believe it " is a very frequent 
introduction. This attitude is shown by the gram- 
matical construction of the narrative — a construction 
which translation cannot always reproduce without 
awkwardness, and which is sometimes therefore over- 
looked altogether ; the fact remains that much of 
the story is cast in the mould of reported speech, 
showing that the writer is not stating that so-and-so 
is a fact but only that it has been told him ; and the 
oratio ohliqua is maintained throughout the narrative. 

^ But the Bahr al Ghazal, a large branch of the Nile, does 
flow approximately W. to E. ; and he may have meant this. 


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Herodotus deliberately professes that this is his 
method ; 4γω οφείλω kiynv τά Aeyo/xeva, πύθ^,σθαί yi 
μην παντάπασιν ονκ οφζίλω (Bk. vii.) ; τοΐσι μίν νυν ύττ' 
Αιγυπτίων λίγομα/οισι χράσθω οτεω τά τοιαύτα ττι^αι^ά 
€στι• €μοΙ δέ παρά πάντα τον λόγον νττοκίζ,ται οτι τά 
λ€γο/λ€να ΰ π' € καστών aKorj γράφω (η. 123); '' Ι know 
not what the truth may be, I tell the tale as 'twas 
told to me." In vieAV of these plain statements, to 
attack Herodotus for foolish credulity is nothing less 
than disingenuous. 

Some harm, moreover, has been done to Herodotus' 
reputation by the tendency of modern languages to 
alter the meaning of derived words. Herodotus 
repeats μνθοι. Now a μνθο^ is simply a tale, with no 
implication of falsity ; it may just as well be true as 
not. But when we say that Herodotus repeats myths, 
that is an altogether different matter; myth and 
mythical carry the implication of falsehood ; and 
Herodotus is branded as a dupe or a liar, \vho cannot 
be taken seriously as an authority for anything. 

Herodotus' reputation for untrustworthiness arises, 
in fact, from his professed method of giving a hearing 
to every opinion. This has been of great service to 
those who early and late have accused him of deli- 
berate and perhaps interested falsification of historical 
fact. These attacks began with Plutarch ; they have 
been more than once renewed in modern times by 
critics desirous of a name for originality and inde- 
pendence. None of them can be regarded as of any 
serious importance. They leave Herodotus' credit 

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untouched, for the simple reason that they are hardly 
ever based on solid evidence. Plutarch's treatise on 
Herodotus* "malignity" only establishes his own. 
Modern critics, who maintain that Herodotus' praise 
and blame is unjustly distributed, have seldom any 
witness to appeal to save the historian himself; and 
faihng necessary support ab extra, they can only 
assert the a priori improbability that an historian 
who is inaccurate in one narrative should be accurate 
in another. It is quite possible that the heroes of 
the history Λvere not so heroic and the villains not 
so villainous as the historian paints them ; but we 
have no evidence as to the private life of Cyrus or 
Cambyses beyond what the historian himself has 
given us. Nor is there any justification for de- 
preciating the services of Athens to Greece because 
the eulogist of Athens happened to believe that the 
Danube rises in the Pyrenees, and that the sun's 
course is affected by the Λvind. 

It cannot be denied that Herodotus invites criti- 
cism. Plainly enough, a great deal of the evidence 
on which he relies must be more substantial than 
simple hearsay. He has undoubtedly learnt much 
from documents engraved or written. To take one 
instance, the long and detailed catalogue of the 
nations included in the Persian empire and the 
amounts of tribute paid by each must rest on some 
documentary authority. But he \vill not support his 
credit by producing his proofs — at least, he does so 
seldom ; for the most part, his f antes are included 

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under '^what he has heard"; he may have seen 
this, lie may have read that, but it is all set down 
as hearsay and no more. There could be no better 
way of opening the door to suspicious critics. 
Further, some of the qualities which constitute the 
charm of his narrative make him suspect to those 
who ask only from history that it should be a plain 
statement of what did actually happen. Herodotus 
is pre-eminently biographical ; personal passion and 
desire is the guiding motive of events ; they are 
attributed to individual action more than to the 
force of circumstance. Debatable situations are 
described in terms of an actual debate between 
named champions of this or that policy, — as in 
Euripides, nay, as even in the comparatively matter- 
of-fact narrative of Thucydides. Nor is it only the 
human individual will which decides ; it is the super- 
human above all. The fortunes of individuals and 
communities are presented to us as they appear to 
a Greek who sees in human life "a sphere for the 
realisation of Divine Judgments." ^ To 0€iov is always 
working ; whether as " Nemesis " to balance good 
and evil fortune, and correct overweening pride and 
excessive prosperity by corresponding calamity, or as 
eternal justice to punish actual wrongdoing. Such 
beliefs, common to all ages, find especial prominence 
in the history of Herodotus, as they do in Greek 
tragedy. The stories of Croesus, Polycrates, Cam- 
byses, the fall of Troy— all are illustrations of a 
* Macan, op, cU, 


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divine ordering of human affairs ; indeed the central 
subject of the story — the debacle of the vast Persian 
expedition against Hellas — exemplifies the maxim 
that νβρίζ €t ΤΓολλών νπ€ρπλησθΎ] μάταν | άκρότατον 
€ΐσαναβασ \ άπότομον ωρονσ^ν €ts άνάγκαν.^ History 
thus written is a means to moral edification ; and 
Herodotus may not be above the suspicion of twist- 
ing the record of events so as to inculcate a moral 
lesson. Such predispositions make history more 
dramatic and more interesting ; but those may be 
excused who hold that they militate against strict 

The dialect in which Herodotus writes is Ionic, 
the oldest literary dialect of Greece ; but he also 
makes use of many words and forms which are 
commonly associated with the literature of Attica. 
When therefore Dionysius of Halicarnassus calls him 
r^9 Ίάδος άριστοι κανών ^ this must refer rather to his 
pre-eminence as an Ionian stylist than to the 
"purity" of his dialect; which in fact is riglitly 
described as μψι-γμίνη and ποικίλη,^ Perhaps Hero- 
dotus* language was affected by his residence at 
Athens. But Ionic and "Old Attic" appear to 
have been so nearly akin that it is difficult to draw 
a clear line of division between them. From what- 
ever sources drawn^ his diction is pervaded by an 
indefinable but unmistakably archaic quality which 
constitutes not the least of a translator's difficulties. 

^ Sophocles, Oedipus TyrannuSy 874-7. 
^ Hermogeneg, -κ^ρΧ ΐΒΐών 

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Among comparatively recent books the following 
will be of especial value to the reader of Herodotus : 
J. W. Blakesley's edition (text and notes) ; H. Stein 
(text and German notes) ; G. Rawlinson's History of 
Herodotus (translation^ notes^ and copious appendix) ; 
R. W. Macan's Herodotus IV-VI and FII~IX (text 
and notes) ; W. W. How and J. Wells' Commentary 
on Herodotus (notes and aj^pendix) ; Hude's Clarendon 
Press edition (text and apparatus criticiis) ; Grote's 
and Bury's Histories of Greece. 

The text of Herodotus rests mainly on the 
authority of nine MSS.j of which a " Laurentianus " 
and a " Romanus " of the tenth and eleventh cen- 
turies respectively are considered the best. The 
merits of all the nine MSS. and the problems which 
they present to an editor are fully discussed in 
Hude's preface to the Clarendon Press edition. The 
text which I have followed is that of Stein ; in the 
fcAv passages of any importance where I have thouglit 
fit to follow any other authority, the fact is noted. 
In the spelling of names I have not attempted to be 
consistent. 1 use the familiar transliteration of κ 
and 0, and write '^^ Croesus" and "Cyrus/' not 
" Kroisos " ^nd " Kuros/' only retaining terminations 
in OS where they are familiar and traditional. Where 
place-names have a well-known English form, not 
widely different from the Greek, I have kept to 
that; for instance, "Athens" and "Thebes," not 

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^^Atbenae" and "Thebae"; but I write "Carcbedon" 
and '^Taras/' not "Cartilage" and ^^Tarentum.'* 
Tbis is (i trust) a reasonable, tboiigb undeniably an 
inconsistent, metbod. The scheme of the present 
series does not contemplate a commentary ; only the 
briefest notes, therefore, have been added to this 
translation, and only where the "general reader" 
may be supposed to stand in urgent need of a word 
of explanation. 


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It was by their conquest of Lydia that the Persians 
were first brought into contact with tlie Greeks. 
Hence it is necessary to Herodotus' plan to trace 
the history of the Hne of Lydian kings wliicli ended 
with Croesus ; tliis, witli many attendant digressions, 
occupies cliapters 1-44 of Kook I. On the same 
principle, the history of the Medes and Persians, and 
the early life of Cyrus himself, must be narrated 
(ch. 45-140). Then follows the story of Cyrus' 
dealings with the Greeks of Asia Minor (ch. 140- 
177). The rest of the book is concerned with the 
wars of Cyrus against the Assyrians and the Mas- 
sagetae ; a descriptive digression on Babylonian 
civilisation naturally forms a part of this section. 

Cyrus, killed in battle by the Massagetae, was 
succeeded by his son Cambyses ; and Cambyses, soon 
after the beginning of his reign, resolved to attack 
Egypt. This resolve gives the cue for Herodotus' 
memorable digression on the history and customs of 
that country. 

The second book falls into two parts The first 

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is the portrayal of the Nile valley and its inhabi- 
tants (ch. 1-98); the second gives a history of the 
Egyptian kings. The whole book — a strange medley 
of description and conjecture, history and fable — 
has, in so far as it is descriptive of present things, the 
supreme merit of a collection of pictures drawn by 
an eyewitness. Herodotus* travels seem to have 
been mostly in Lower Egypt. But he knows also 
the upper valley of the Nile, and apparently has 
travelled as far as Assuan ; his record, apart from 
the charm of the narrative, has an enduring interest 
as the earliest and for many centuries the only 
literary source of our knowledge of the country. 

But a clear distinction must be drawn between 
the descriptive and the historical chapters. 

It is not likely that Herodotus is inaccurate in 
describing what he has seen. But, for his Egyptian 
chronicles, he has had to rely on what was told him, 
certainly through the medium of interpreters and 
probably in many cases by informants whose own 
knowledge was limited and inexact. Here, as usual, 
he safeguards himself against the charge of uncritical 
credulity by showing that he repeats the tale as told 
to him without guaranteeing its truth. It is very 
clear, ho\vever, that the impressions of history given 
to him are exceedingly misleading, at least for the 
long period before the twenty-sixtli or Saite dynasty. 
His chronicle is full of errors of nomenclature and 
chronological sequence, and is made to cover far too 
lo^g a period of time. Our knowledge of the early 

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rulers of Egypt rests, firstly, on evidence supplied by 
Egyptian monuments ; secondly, on what remains to 
us (though in an epitomised and imperfect form) of 
the chronicle of Manetho, an Egyptian priest who in 
the third century b.c. compiled a list of the kings of 
his country. Herodotus is repeatedly at variance 
with both these sources of information. In a brief 
introduction it is impossible to multiply proofs^ or even 
to summarise the difficulties which beset students of 
these abstruse matters ; it is enough to remember that 
^^for Egyptian history in the strict sense chapters 99 to 
146 are valueless." ^ These deal with the dynasties 
preceding 663 B.C., and covering in fact some 2700 
years. Herodotus gives them a far longer duration; 
apparently he was shown a list of Egyptian rulers, 
and calculated the united lengths of their reigns by 
assuming one generation, or thirty years, for each 
king. So rough-and-ready a method of calculation 
could lead to no true conclusion ; and it is wholly 
invalidated by the undoubted fact that many of the 
reigns named in the list were contemporaneous. 

^ ΗοΛν and Wells, op. cit. ; the reader is referred to their 
Commentary for a discussion of these matters. 

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1500K I 

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1. 'MpoSoTOV ^Α\ικαρνησσ€θ<; ίστορίη<; άττό- 
ίβξι^ζ ^δβ, ώ9 μητβ τα γενόμενα έξ άνθρώττων 
τω χρόνφ εξίτηΧα- η^'ηται^ μήτε ίρ^α μεηάΧα 
τ€ καΧ Θωμαστά, τα μίν 'Έλλ?^σί τα he βαρβά- 
ροίσι άτΓοΒβχθέντα, aicXea 'γένηται, τά Τ6 άΧλα 
καϊ St ην αΐτίην έττοΧέμησαν άΧλήΧοίσί. 

ΙΙβρσέων μέν νυν οΐ Xoyioi, Φοίνικα<ί αΙτίου<; 
φασί yeviaOat της Βιαφορής. τούτους yap άττο 
της ^Ερυθρής καΧεομίνης θαΧάσσης άτηκο μένους 
€7γΙ τήνΒε την θάλασσαν, καΙ οίκησαντας τούτον 
τον γωρον τον zeal νυν οίκβουσί, αντίκα ναντιΧί- 
Ύ)σι μακρησΰ ίττιθεσθαι, άπayίveovτaς δβ φορτία 
KxyvTTTia re καΧ ^ Κσ σύρια τχ} τε aXXrj βσαττίκνά- 
βσθαι fcal Βη καϊ ίς "Apyo^. το Be "Α/3709 τούτον 
τον χρόνον ττροεΐχβ αττασι των iv ttj νυν Ελλάδα 
καΧεομάντ) χώρτ). άττικομενονς he τους Φοίνικας 
ίς Βη το ^Apyoς τούτο Βιαηθβσθαι τον φόρτον, 
ττίμτττγ Be η eKTrj ημερτ) αττ' ης άττίκοντο, ίξεμ- 
ΤΓοΧημένων σφι σχεΒον ττάντων, ίΧθεΐν εττΐ την 
θάΧασσαν yvva2κaς αλΧας τε ττοΧΧας καϊ Βη καΐ 
τού βασιΧέος OvyaTepa' το Be οι οννομα elvat, 
κατά τώυτο το και 'Έ/ΧΧηνες XeyovσL, ^Ιονν την 

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1. What Herodotus the Halicarnassian has learnt 
by inquiry is here set forth : in order that so the 
memory of the past may not be blotted out from 
among men by time, and that great and marvellous 
deeds done by Greeks and foreigners and especially 
the reason why they warred against each other may 
not lack renown. 

The Persian learned men say that the Phoe- 
nicians were the cause of the feud. These (they say) 
came to our seas from the sea which is called Red,^ and 
having settled in the country which they still occupy, 
at once began to make long voyages. Among other 
places to which they carried Egyptian and Assyrian 
merchandise, they came to Argos, which was about 
that time preeminent in every way among the people 
of what is now called Hellas. The Phoenicians then 
came, as I say, to Argos, and set out their cargo. 
On the fifth or sixth day from their coming, their 
wares being now well-nigh all sold, there came to 
the sea shore among many other women the king's 
daughter, whose name (according to Persians and 
Greeks alike) was lo, the daughter of Inachus. They 

^ Not the modern Red Sea, but the Persian Gulf and 
adjacent waters. 

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^Ινάγου* ταύτας στάσας κατά ττρύμνηρ τή<; ν€θ<ί 
ωνίζσθαι των φορτίων των σφι ην θυμο^ μάλιστα* 
και τους Φοίνικας ΒιακβΧβυσαμβνους ορμήσαι βΊτ 
αύτάς* τά? μβν Βη ir\evva^ των γυναικών άττο- 
φυ^είν, την he ^\ουν συν αλΧτγσι άρττασθήναι. 
βσβαΧομένους he e? την via oϊχeσθaί άπτοιτΧίοντας 
ΙτΓ ΑιγυτΓτοι;. 

2. Οιίτω μίν ^\ουν €<ζ ΑΪ<γυ7ΓΤθν άττίκύσθαι 
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σαντος αύτοΰ Ε^Χένην, τοΐσι '^ΚΧΧηοι ho^ai ττρώ- 

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BOOK ί 1-3 

stood ahont the stern of the shi)) : niul while they 
bargained for sucli wares as tliey fancied^ the 
Phoenicians heartened each other to the deed, 
and rushed to take them. Most of the woraen 
escaped : lo witli otliers was carried off; the men 
cast her into tlie ship and made sail away for 


2. This, say the Persians (but not the Greeks), 
was how lo came to Egypt, and this, according to 
them, was the first wrong that w^as done. Next, 
according to their tale, certain Greeks (tliey cannot 
tell who) landed at Tyre in Phoenice and carried off 
the king's daughter Europe. These Greeks must, I 
suppose, have been Cretans. So far, then, the ac- 
count between them stood balanced. But after this 
(say they) it was the Greeks >vho were guilty of the 
second wrong. They sailed in a long ship to Aea of 
the Colchians and the river Phasis ^ : and when they 
had done the rest of the business for which they 
came' they carried off tlie king's daughter Medea. 
When the Colchian king sent a herald to demand 
reparation for the robbery, and restitution of his 
daughter, the Greeks replied that as they had 
been refused reparation for the abduction of the 
Argive lo, neither would they make any to the 

3. Then (so the story runs) in the second genera- 
tion after this Alexandrus son of Priam, having 
heard this tale, was minded to win himself a >vife 
out of Hellas by ravishment ; for he was well per- 
suaded that, as the Greeks had made no reparation, 
so neither would he. So he carried off Helen. The 
Greeks first resolved to send messengers demanding 

* This is the legendary cruise of the Argonauta. 

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yoυσc ayayεϊp αύτην ες AXyυτΓTOV, αΧΧ ώς εν τω 

J KOyea [Βάρβαρα] Stein. 


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BOOK I. 3-5 

that Helen should be restored and atonement made 
for the rape ; but when this proposal was made^ the 
Trojans pleaded the rape of Medea, and reminded 
the Greeks that they asked reparation of others, yet 
had made none themselves, nor given up the plunder 
at request. 

4. Thus far it was a matter of mere robbery on 
both sides. But after this (the Persians say) the 
Greeks were greatly to blame; for they invaded 
Asia before the Persians attacked Europe. " We 
think/' say they, ^' that it is wrong to carry women 
off: but to be zealous to avenge the rape is foolish : 
wise men take no account of such things : for plainly 
the women would never have been carried away, had 
not they themselves wished it. We of Asia regarded 
the rape of our women not at all ; but the Greeks, all 
for the sake of a Lacedaemonian woman, mustered a 
great host, came to Asia, and destroyed the power of 
Priam. Ever since then we have regarded Greeks 
as our enemies." The Persians claim Asia for their 
own, and the foreign nations that dwell in it ; Europe 
and the Greek race they hold to be separate from 

5. Such is the Persian account of the matter : in 
their opinion, it was the taking of Troy which began 
their feud with the Greeks. But the Phoenicians do 
not tell the same story about lo as the Persians. 
They say that they did not carry her off to Egypt by 
force : she had intercourse in Argos with the captain 

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ποΧίων αλλ* εξ επιΒρομής άpπayή. 

7. *Η Βε ήγεμονίη ούτω τκ ριήΧθε, εούσα Ηρα- 


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BOOK I. s-7 

of the ship ; then, perceiving herself to be with child, 
she was ashamed that her parents should know it, 
and so, lest they should discover her condition, 
she sailed away with the Phoenicians of her own 

These are the stories of the Persians and the 
Phoenicians, For my own part, I will not say that 
this or that story is true, but I will name him whom I 
myself know to have done unprovoked wrong to the 
Greeks, and so go forward with my history, and 
speak of small and great cities alike. For many 
states that were once great have now become small : 
and those that were great in my time were small 
formerly. Knowing therefore that human prosperity 
never continues in one stay, 1 will make mention 
alike of both kinds. 

6, Croesus was by birth a Lydian, son of Alyattes, 
and monarch of all the nations Avest of the river 
Halys, which flows from the south between Syria and 
Paphlagonia, and issues northward into the sea called 
Euxinus. This Croesus was as far as we know the 
first foreigner who subdued Greeks and took tri- 
bute of them, and Λνοη the friendship of others, — 
the former being the lonians, the Aeolians, and the 
Dorians of Asia, and the latter the Lacedaemonians. 
Before the reign of Croesus all Greeks were free: for 
the Cimmerian host which invaded Ionia before his 
time did not subdue the cities but rather raided and 
robbed them. 

7. Now the sovereign power, which belonged to 


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τίνα Xe^et? Xoyov ουκ ifyiia, κεΧεύων με Βέσποι- 

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BOOK I. 7-8 

the descendants of Heracles/ fell to the family of 

Croesus — the Mermnadae as they were called — in the 

following way. Candaules, whom the Greeks call 

Myrsilus, was the ruler of Sardis ; he was descended 

from Alcaeus^ son of Heracles ; Agron, son of Ninus, 

son of Belus, son of Alcaeus^ was the first Heraclid 

king of Sardis, and Candaules^ son of Myrsus^ was the 

last. The kings of this country before Agron were 

descendants of Lydus, son of Atys^ from whom all 

this Lydian district took its name ; before that it was 

called the land of the Meii. From these the Hera- 

clidae, descendants of Heracles ^ and a female slave 

of lardanus^ received the sovereignty and held it in 

charge^ by reason of an oracle ; and they ruled for 

two and twenty generations, or 505 years, son 

succeeding father, down to Candaules, son of Myrsus. 

8. This Candaules, then, fell in love with his own 

wife, so much that he supposed her to be by far the 

fairest woman in the world ; and being persuaded of 

this, he raved of her beauty to Gyges, son of Dascy- 

lus, who was his favourite among his bodyguard ; for 

it was to Gyges that he entrusted all his weightiest 

secrets. Then after a little while Candaules, being 

doomed to ill-fortune, spoke thus to Gyges : " I think, 

Gyges, that you do not believe what I tell you of 

the beauty of my wife ; men trust their ears less 

than their eyes ; do you, then, so contrive that you 

may see her naked." Gyges exclaimed loudly at this. 

" Master," said he, " what a pestilent command is 

this that you lay upon me ! that I should see her who 

^ Descendants of Heracles seems to mean descended from 
the Asiatic sungod identified with Heracles by the Greeks, 

VOL.1. Β ^^ 

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νώτου τε αυτής yivrj^ σοι μεΧετω το ενθευτεν οκως 
μη σε οψεται ιόντα Βιά θυρεών." 

10. 'Ό μεν Βη ώς ουκ εΒύνατο BιaφυyeL•>, ην 
έτοιμος* ό Βε ΚανΒαύΧης, εττεί εΒόκεε ώρη τής 
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μιν εξίόντα* μαθούσα Βε το ττοιηθεν εκ τού 

* τταρώμ^ρορ Stein», 


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BOOK 1. δ-ιο 

is my mistress naked I with the stripping off of her 
tunic a woman is stripped of the honour due to her. 
Men have long ago made wise rules for our learning ; 
one of these is, that we, and none other, should see Λvhat 
is our own. As for me, I fully believe that your 
queen is the fairest of all women ; ask not lawless 
acts of me, I entreat you." 

9. Thus speaking Gyges sought to turn the king's 
purpose, for he feared lest some ill to himself should 
come of it : l)ut this was Candaules' answer : " Take 
courage, Gyges : fear not that I say this to put you 
to the proof, nor that my wife will do you any harm. 
I will so contrive the whole business that she shall 
never know that you have seen her. I will bring you 
into the chamber Λvhere she and I lie and set you 
behind the open door ; and after I have entered, my 
wife too will come to her bed. There is a chair set 
near the entrance of the room : on this she will lay 
each part of her raiment as she takes it off, and 
you will be able to gaze upon her at your leisure. 
Then, when she goes from the chair to the bed, 
turning her back upon you, do you look to it 
that she does not see you going out through the 

10. As Gyges could not escape, he consented. 
Candaules, Λvhen he judged it to be bed time, brought 
Gyges into the chamber, his wife presently followed, 
and when she had come in and was laying aside her 
garments Gyges beheld her; and when she turned 
her back upon him, going to her bed, he slipped 
privily from the room. The woman saw him as he 
passed out, and perceived what her husband had 
done. But shamed though she was she never cried 

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yύμvηVy υττνωμενω Βε η ετηχείρησίς εσται" 

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BOOK I. lo-ii 

out nor let it be seen that she had perceived aught, 
for she had it in mind to punish Candaules ; seeing 
that among the Lydians and most of the foreign 
peoples it is held great shame that even a man should 
be seen naked. 

11. For the nonce she made no sign and held her 
peace. But as soon as it was day, she assured her- 
self of those of her household whom she perceived 
to be most faithful to her, and called Gyges : who, 
supposing that she knew nothing of what had been 
done, came at call ; for he had always been wont to 
attend the queen whenever she bade him. So when 
he came, the lady thus addressed him: "Now, Gyges, 
you have two roads before you ; choose which you 
will follow. You must either kill Candaules and take 
me for your own and the throne of Lydia, or your- 
self be killed now without more ado ; that will pre- 
vent you from obeying all Candaules' commands in 
the future and seeing what you should not see. 
One of you must die : either he, the contriver of 
this plot, or you, who have outraged all usage by 
looking on me unclad." At this Gyges stood awhile 
astonished : presently he entreated her not to com- 
pel him to such a choice ; but when he could not 
move her, and saw that dire necessity was in very 
truth upon him either to kill his master or himself 
be killed by others, he chose his own life. Then 
he asked the queen to tell him, since she forced 
him against his will to slay his master, how they 
were to attack the king : and she replied, " You 
shall come at him from the same place whence 
he made you see me naked ; attack him in his 


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12. Ώ? Be ηρτυσαν την βττιβουΧψ^ νυκτός 
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^ Stein brackets the words τον κα\ — 4π€μνησθη as super- 
fluous and therefore probably spurious. 


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BOOK 1. 12-14 

12. So when they had made ready this plot, and 
night had fallen, Gyges followed the lady into the 
chamber (for he could not get free or by any means 
escape, but either he or Candaules must die), and 
she gave him a dagger and hid him behind the same 
door; and presently he stole out and slew Candaules 
as he slept, and thus made himself master of the 
king's wife and sovereignty. He is mentioned in the 
iambie verses of Archilochusof Parus who lived about 
the same time. 

13. So he took possession of the sovereign power, 
and was confirmed therein by the Delphic oracle. 
For when the Lydians were much angered by the 
fate of Candaules, and took up arms, the faction of 
Gyges and the rest of the people came to an agree- 
ment that if the oracle should ordain him to be 
king of the Lydians, then he should reign : but if 
not, then he should render back the kingship to 
the Heraclidae. The oracle did so ordain ; and 
Gyges thus became king. Howbeit the Pythian 
priestess declared that the Heraclidae should have 
vengeance on Gyges' posterity in the fifth generation : 
an utterance of which the Lydians and their kings 
took no account, till it was fulfilled. 

14. Thus did the Mermnadae rob the Heraclidae 
of the sovereignty and take it for themselves. Having 
gained it, Gyges sent not a few offerings to Delphi : 
there are very many silver offerings of his there : 
and besides the silver, he dedicated great store of 

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ες την ^Ασίην καΧ Xάphις ττΧην της άκροπόΧιος 

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εποΧεμησε και Mi^hoiai, Κιμμερίονς τε εκ της 

Ασίης εξήΧασε, Έ^μνρνην τε την άττο ΚοΧοφώνος 


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BOOK 1. i4-[6 

gold : among which six golden bowls are the offerings 
chiefly worthy of record. These weigh 30 talents ^ 
and stand in the treasury 2 of the Corinthians : though 
in very truth it is the treasury not of the Corinthian 
people but of Cypselus son of Eetion. This Gyges 
then was the first foreigner (of our knowledge) who 
placed offerings at Delphi after the king of Phrygia, 
Midas son of Gordias. For Midas too made an 
offering, to wit, the royal seat whereon he sat to 
give judgment, and a marvellous seat it is ; it is set 
in the same place as the bowls of Gyges. This gold 
and the silver offered by Gyges is called by the 
Delphians " Gygian " after its dedicator. 

15. As soon as Gyges came to the throne, he too, 
like others, led an army into the lands of Miletus 
and Smyrna ; and he took the city of Colophon. 
But he did nothing else great in his reign of thirty- 
eight years ; I will therefore say no more of him, and 
will speak rather of Ardys the son of Gyges, who 
succeeded him. He took Priene and invaded the 
country of Miletus ; and it was while he was 
monarch of Sardis that the Cimmerians, driven from 
their homes by the nomad Scythians, came into Asia, 
and took Sardis, all but the citadel. 

16. Ardys reigned for forty-nine years, and was 
succeeded by his son Sadyattes, who reigned for 
twelve years ; and after Sadyattes came Alyattes, 
who waged war against Deioces* descendant Cyaxares 
and the Medes, drove the Cimmerians out of Asia, 
took Smyrna (which was a colony from Colophon), 

* The " Attic" talent had a weight of about 58 lbs. avoir- 
dupois, the ** Aegineban" of about 82. 

^ Many Greek states had special *' treasuries " allotted to 
theni in the temple precincts at Delphi, in which their 
offerings were deposited. 

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πάρα τον πατρός τον πόΧεμον προσείχε εντετα- 


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BOOK I. 16-18 

and invaded the lands of Clazomenae. But here he 
came off not at all as he wished, but with great 
disaster. Of other deeds done by him in his reign 
these were most notable: 

17. He continued the war against the Milesians 
which his father had begun. This was the manner 
in which he attacked and laid siege to Miletus: lie 
sent his invading army, marching to the sound ot 
pipes and harj)s and flutes bass and treble^ when 
the crops in tlie land were ripe : and whenever he 
came to the Milesian territory^ the country dwellings 
he neither demolished nor burnt nor tore off their 
doorsj but let them stand unharmed ; but the trees 
and the crops of the land he destroy ed^ and so 
returned whence he came ; for as the Milesians had 
command of the sea, it Avas of no avail for his 
army to besiege their city. The reason why the 
Lydian did not destroy the houses was this — that the 
Milesians might have homes whence to plant and 
cultivate their land, and that there might be the fruit 
of their toil for his invading army to lay waste. 

18. In this manner he Avaged war for eleven years, 
and in these years two great disasters befel the Miles- 
ians, one at the battle of Limeneion in their own 
territory, and the other in the valley of the Maeander. 
For six of these eleven years Sadyattes son of Ardys 
was still ruler of Lydia, and he it was who invaded 
the lands of Miletus, for it was he \vho had begun 
the war ; for the following five the war was \vaged 
by Sadyattes' son Alyattes, Λνΐιο, as I have before 
shown, inherited the war from his father and carried 

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προειΒως προς το τταρεον βουΧεύηται* 

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χρόνον οσον αν τον νηον οΙκοΒομετ}, ο μεν Βη 

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BOOK I. ι8-2ϊ 

it on vigorously. None of the lonians helped to 
lighten this war for the Milesians,, except only the 
Chians : these lent their aid for a like service done to 
themselves ; for the Milesians had formerly helped 
the Chians in their war against the Erythraeans. 

19. In the t\velfth year^ when the Lydian army 
was burning the crops^ it so happened that the fire 
set to the crops and blown by a strong wind caught 
the temple of Athene called Athene of Assesos ^ : 
and the temple was burnt to the ground. For the 
nonce no account was taken of this. But presently 
after the army had returned to Sardis Alyattes 
fell sick ; and, his sickness lasting longer than it 
should^ he sent to Delphi to inquire of the oracle, 
either by someone's counsel or by his own wish 
to question the god about his sickness : but when 
the messengers came to Delphi the Pythian priestess 
would not reply to them before they should restore 
the temple of Athene at Assesos in the Milesian 
territory, \vhich they had burnt. 

20. Thus far I know the truth, for the Delphians 
told me. The Milesians add to the story, that 
Periander son of Cypselus, being a close friend of 
Thrasybulus who then was sovereign of Miletus, 
learnt what reply the oracle had given to Alyattes 
and sent a despatch to tell Thrasybulus, so tliat 
thereby his friend should be forewarned and make 
his plans accordingly. 

21. Such is the Milesian story. Then, when the 
Delphic reply was brought to Alyattes, straightway 
he sent a herald to Miletus, offering to make a truce 
with Thrasybulus and the Milesians during his 
building of the temple. So the envoy went to 

^ A small town or village near Miletua. 

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ναΐον €7γΪ ΒεΧφΐνος βξενβιχθβντα iiri Ύαίναρον, 

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BOOK I. 21-23 

Miletus. But Thrasybulus^ being exactly forewarned 
of the whole matter, and knowing what Alyattes 
meant to do, devised the follo\ving plan : he brought 
together into the market place all the food in the 
city, from private stores and his own, and bade the 
men of Miletus all drink and revel together when he 
should give the word. 

22. The intent of his so doing and commanding 
Λvas, that wlien the herald from Sardis saw a great 
heap of food piled up, and the citizens making 
merry, he might bring Avord of it to Alyattes: 
and so it befell. The herald saw all this, gave 
Thrasybulus the message he was charged by the 
Lydian to deliver, and returned to Sardis ; and this, 
as far as I can learn, was the single reason of the 
reconciliation. For Alyattes had supposed that 
there was great scarcity in Miletus and that the 
people were reduced to the last extremity of misery ; 
but now on his herald's return from the town he 
heard an account contrary to his expectations ; so 
presently the Lydians and Milesians ended the war 
and agreed to be friends and allies, and Alyattes 
built not one but two temples of Athene at 
Assesos, and recovered of his sickness. Such is 
the story of Alj^attes' war against Thrasybulus and 
the Milesians. 

23. Periander, who disclosed the oracle's answer 
to Thrasybulus, w&s the son of Cypselus, and sovereign 
lord of Corinth. As the Corinthians and Lesbians 
agree in relating, there happened to liim a thing 
which was the most marvellous in his life, namely, 
the landing of Arion of Methymna on Taenarus, 
borne thither by a dolphin. This Arion was a 

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ντΓοΧαβόντα εξενεΐκαί εττΐ Ύαίναρον, άποβάντα 


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BOOK ί. 23-24 

lyre-player second to none in that age ; he was the 
first man^ as far as we know, to compose and name the 
dithyramb^ which he afterwards taught at Corinth. 
24. Thus then, the story runs : for the most part 
he lived at the court of Periander ; then he formed 
the plan of voyaging to Italy and Sicily, whence, 
after earning much money, he was minded to return 
to Corinth. Having especial trust in men of that 
city, he hired a Corinthian ship to carry him from 
Taras.2 But Avhen they were out at sea, the crew 
plotted to cast Arion overboard and take his money. 
Discovering the plot, he earnestly entreated them, 
offering them all his money if they would but spare 
his life ; but the sailors would not listen to him ; he 
must, they said, either kill himself and so receive 
burial on land, or straightway cast himself into the 
sea. In this extremity Arion besought them, 
seeing that such was their will, that they would 
suffer him to stand on the poop with all his singing 
robes about him and sing ; and after his song, so 
he promised, he would make away with himself. 
The men, well pleased at the thought of hearing 
the best singer in the world, dre\v away from the 
stern amidships ; Arion, putting on all his adorn- 
ment and taking his lyre, stood up on the poop 
and sang the "Shrill Strain,"^ and at its close 
threw himself without more ado into the sea, clad 
in his robes. So the crew sailed away to Corinth ; 
but a dolphin (so the story goes) took Arion on 
his back and bore him to Taenarus. There he 

^ The dithj^amb was a kind of dance-music particularly 
associated with the cult of Dionysus. 

^ Tarentum. 

^ The opuios νόμο5 was a high-pitched (and apparently very 
vvell-kuown) song or hymn in honour of Apollo. 

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Χίου ποίημα, ος μοΰνος Βη ττάντων ανθρώπων 
σιΒηρου κόΧΧησιν εξευρε. 

26. ΎεΧευτήσαντος Βε ΆΧυάττεω εξεΒεξατο 
την βασίΧηίην Κροίσος 6 Άλι/αττεω, ετεων εων 
ηΧίκίην πέντε και τριηκοντα* ος Βη ^ΕΧΧ7]νων 
πρώτοισι επεθηκατο ^Εφεσίοισι, ένθα Βη οι 
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νηην επτά στάΒιοι. ττρωτοισί μεν Βη τούτοισί 


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BOOK ί. 24-26 

landed, went to Corinth in his siniiing robes, and 
wlien he came told all that had befallen him. Peri- 
ander, not believing the tale, put him in close 
Avard and kept careful watch for the coming of the 
sailors. When they came they Λvere called and 
questioned, what news they brought of Arion, and 
they replied that he was safe in the parts of Italy, 
and that they had left him sound and well at Taras: 
when, behold, they were confronted with Arion, 
just as he was when he leapt from the ship ; whereat 
they Λvere amazed, and could no more deny what 
was proved against them. Such is the story told 
by the Corinthians and Lesbians. There is moreover 
a little bronze monument to Arion on Taenarus, the 
figure of a man riding upon a dolphin. 

25. So Alyattes the Lydian, having finished his 
war with the Milesians, died after a reign of fifty- 
seven years. He was the second of his family to 
make an offering to Delphi — and this was a thank- 
offering for his recovery — of a great silver bowl on a 
stand of welded iron. This is the most notable 
among all the offerings at Delphi, and is the work ot 
Glaucus the Chian, the only man of that age who 
discovered how to weld iron. 

26. After the death of Alyattes Croesus his son 
came to the throne,^ being then thirty-five years of 
age. The first Greeks whom lie attacked were the 
Ephesians. These, being besieged by him, dedicated 
their city to Artemis; this they did by attaching 
a rope to the city wall from the temple of the 
goddess, standing seven furlongs aΛvay from the 
ancient city, Λvhich was then being besieged. These 

* Croesus' reign began in 560 B.C., probably. 


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28. Ιίρόνου he ετη^ινομένου καΐ κατεστραμ- 

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BOOK 1. 26-28 

were the first whom Croesus attacked ; afterwards he 
made war on the Ionian and Aeolian cities in turn^ 
each on its separate indictment : he found graver 
charges where he could, but sometimes alleged very 
paltry grounds of offence. 

27. Then, when he had subdued and made tributary 
to himself all the Asiatic Greeks of the mainland, he 
planned to build ships and attack the islanders ; but 
when his preparations for shipbuilding were ready, 
cither Bias of Priene or Pittacus of Mytilene (the 
story is told of both) came to Sardis, and being 
asked by Croesus for news about Hellas, put an 
end to the shipbuilding by giving the following 
answer : ^^ King, the islanders are buying ten 
thousand horse, with intent to march against you 
to Sardis." Croesus, thinking that he spoke the 
truth, said : ^' Would that the gods may put it in 
the minds of the island men to come on horseback 
against the sons of the Lydians ! " Then the other 
answered and said : ^^ King, I see that you earnestly 
pray that you may catch the islanders riding horses 
on the mainland, and what you expect is but natural. 
And the islanders, now they have heard that you 
are building ships to attack them therewith, think 
you that they pray for aught else than that they may 
catch Lydians on the seas, and thereby be avenged 
on you for having enslaved the Greeks who dwell 
on the mainland?" Croesus was well pleased with 
this conclusion, for it seemed to him that the man 
spoke but reasonably ; so he took the advice and 
built no more ships. Thus it came about that he 
made friends of the Ionian islanders. 

28. As time went on, Croesus subdued well-nigh 


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^ €tVi , , , Πάμφυλοί and καΐ . . , Αυ^οΊσι bracketed by 

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BOOK ί. 28-30 

all the nations west of the Haljs and held them 
in subjection^ except only the Cilicians and Lycians : 
the restj Lydians^ Phrygians^ Mysians, Mariandynians^ 
ChalybeSj Paphlagonians^ Thymians and Bithynians 
(who are Thracians)^ Carians^ lonians, Dorians^ Aeol- 
iansj PamphylianSj were subdued and became subjects 
of Croesus like the Lydians^ and Sardis was at the 
height of its wealth. 29. There came to the city all the 
teachers from Hellas who then livedo in this or that 
manner; and among them came Solon of Athens: he, 
having made laΛvs for the Athenians at their request, 
left his home for ten years and set out on a voyage 
to see the world, as he said. This he did, lest he 
should be compelled to repeal any of the laws he 
had made, since the Athenians themselves could not 
repeal them, for they were bound by solemn oaths 
to abide for ten years by such laws as Solon should 

30. For this reason, and to see the Λvorld, Solon 
left Athens and visited Amasis in Egypt and Croesus 
at Sardis : and when he had come, Croesus enter- 
tained him in his palace. Now on the third or fourth 
day after his coming Croesus bade his servants lead 
Solon round among his treasures, and they showed 
him all that was there, the greatness and the prosper- 
ous state of it; and when he had seen and considered 
all, Croesus when occasion served thus questioned 
him : " Our Athenian guest, we have heard much of 


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αμφότεροι ομοίως ήσαν, καϊ Βη καϊ XiyeTac οΒε 
ό λόγο?, εούσης ορτής ττ) 'Ή/ο?; τοϊσυ Αρ^είοισι 
εΒεε πάντως την μητέρα αυτών ζεύ^εϊ κομισθηναι 
' ες το ίρόν, οι Βέ σφί βόες εκ τον ay ρου ου ^τaρεyί- 
νοντο εν ώρτ]' εκκΧηιόμενοι Be τη ωρτ) οί νεηνίαι 

^ Stein brackets eTve/ce»'. 

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BOOK 1. 30-31 

yoUj by reason of your wisdom and your wanderingSj 
how that you have travelled far to seek knowledge 
and to see the world. Now therefore I am fain 
to ask you, if you have ever seen a man more blest 
than all his felloΛvs." So Croesus inquired, supposing 
himself to be blest beyond all men. But Solon 
spoke the truth without flattery : " Such an one, 
Ο King," he said, '^ I have seen — Tellus of Athens." 
Croesus Avondered at this, and sharply asked Solon 
^^How do you judge Tellus to be most blest ?" Solon 
replied : ^^ Tellus' city was prosperous, and he \vas 
the father of noble sons, and he saw children born 
to all of them and their state well stablished ; more- 
over, having then as much wealth as a man may 
among us, he crowned his life with a most glorious 
death : for in a battle between the Athenians and 
their neighbours at Eleusis he attacked and routed 
the enemy and most nobly there died ; and the 
Athenians gave him public burial where he fell and 
paid him great honour." 

31. Now when Solon had roused the curiosity of 
Croesus by recounting the many ways in which Tellus 
was blest, the king further asked him whom he placed 
second after Tellus, thinking that assuredly the 
second prize at least would be his. Solon answered : 
" Cleobis and Biton. These were Argives, and 
besides sufficient wealth they had such strength of 
body as I will show. Both were prizewinners ; and 
this story too is related of them. There was a 
festival of Here toward among the Argives, and 
their mother must by all means be drawn to the 
temple by a yoke of oxen. But the oxen did not 
come in time from the fields; so the young men, 
being thus thwarted by lack of time, put themselves 

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άριστων γενομένων." 

32. Χολών μεν hrj €ύhacμovίης hevTepela ένεμε 
τούτοισίί Κροΐσο'ζ hk σττερ'χ^θείς είττε *'^fi ξεΐνε 
^Αθηναίε, η δ' ημέτερη eύhaLμovlη οΰτω τοι αττερ- 
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άξίους ημεας είΓοίησας-/^ ο δε εΙττε "Ώ ΥίροΙσε, 
επιστάμενόν με το θείον ττάν εον φθονερόν τε καϊ 
ταραχώΕες εττειρωτας άνθρωττηίων ττρη^μάτων 
ττερι. εν yap τω μακρω γ^ρόνω ττολλα μεν εστί 
ΙΒεΐν τα μή τις εθεΧει, ττολλα Be καΐ τταθεΐν. ες 
yap εβhoμηκovτa ετεα ονρον της ζόης άνθρώττω 
ττροτίθημι, ουτοι εόντες ενιαυτοί εβhoμηfcovτa 
τταρεχονται ημέρας Βιηκοσίας καΐ ττεντακισχ^ιλίας 
κα\ οισμυρίας, εμβοΧίμου μηνός μη yιvoμεvov^ εΐ 

uigmzea oy tviiaoson^ 

BOOK I. 31-32 

to the yoke and drew the carriage witli their motlicr 
sitting thereon : for five and iurty furlongs they 
drew it till they came to the temple. Having done 
thisj and been seen by the assembly, they made a 
most excellent end of their lives, and the god showed 
by these men how that it \vas better for a man to die 
than to live. For tlie men of Argos came round 
and gave the youths joy of their strength, and so 
likewise did the women to their mother, for the 
excellence of her sons. She then in her joy at 
what was done and said, came before the image 
of the goddess and prayed that her sons Cleobis 
and Biton, who had done such great honour to the 
goddess, should be given the best boon that a 
man may receive. After the prayer the young men 
sacrificed and ate of the feast ; then they lay down 
to sleep in the temj^le itself and never rose up 
more, but here ended their lives. Then the Argives 
made and set up at Delphi images of them because 
of their excellence." 

32. So Solon gave to Cleobis and Biton the second 
prize of happiness. But Croesus said in anger, ^* Guest 
from Athens! is our prosperity, then, held by you 
so worthless that you match us not even with 
common men .^ " " Croesus," said Solon, ^^you ask 
me concerning the lot of man ; well I know how 
jealous is Heaven and how it loves to trouble us. 
In a man's length of days, he may see and suffer 
many things that he much mislikes. For I set the 
limit of man's life at seventy years ; in these seventy 
are days twenty-five thousand and two hundred, if 
we count not the intercalary month. ^ But if every 

^ The "intercalary" month is a month periodically in- 
serted to make the series of solar and calendar years 
eventually correspond. But Herodotus' reckoning here would 
make the average length of a year 375 days. 

Digitized by Microsoft <^ 


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άνολβον ποΧΧοΐσΐ' ο μεν επιθυμίην εκτεΧεσαι καΐ 
ατην με^άΧην προσπεσουσαν ενεΐκαι Βυνατώτερος, 
ο Βε τοΐσιΒε προέχει εκείνου* άτην μεν καΐ επι- 
θυμίην ουκ ομοίως Βυνατος εκείνω ενεΐκαι, ταύτα 
Βε η εντνχίη οι άπερύκει, άπηρος Βε εστί, ανονσος, 
απαθής κακών, εΰπαις, εύειΒής. εΐ Βε προς 
τούτοισι ετι τεΧεντησει τον βίον ευ, οντος εκεϊνος 
τον συ ζητέεις, 6 όλβιος κεκΧήσθαι άξιος εστί* 
πρΙν δ' αν τεΧευτ7]στ], επισχεΊν, μηΒε καλέειν κω 
ολβιον άΧΧ εύτνχέα. τά πάντα μεν νυν ταύτα 

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BOOK I. 32 

second year be lengthened by a month so that the 
seasons and the calendar may rightly accord, then 
the intercalary months are five and thirty^ over and 
above the seventy years : and the days of these 
months are one thousand and fifty ; so then all 
the days together of the seventy years are seen 
to be twenty-six thousand two hundred and fifty ; 
and one may well say that no one of all these days 
is like another in that which it brings. Thus then^ 
Croesus, the whole of man is but chance. Now if l" 
am to speak of you, I say that I see you very rich 
and the king of many men. But I cannot yet 
answer your question, before 1 hear that you have 
ended your life well. For he who is very rich is 
not more blest than he who has but enough for 
the day, unless fortune s o attend him that he ends 
his life well, having all good things about him. 
Many men of great \vealth are unblest, and many 
that have no great substance are fortunate. ΝοΛν 
the very rich man who is yet unblest has but two 
advantages over the fortunate man, but the fortunate 
man has many advantages over the rich but unblest: 
for this latter is the stronger to accomplish his desire 
and to bear the stroke of great calamity ; but these 
are the advantages of the fortunate man, that 
though he be not so strong as the other to deal 
with calamity and desire, yet these are kept far 
from him by his good fortune, and he is free from 
deformity, sickness, and all evil, and happy in his 
children and his comeliness. If then such a man 
besides all this shall also end his life well, then he 
is the man whom you seek, and is worthy to be 
called blest ; but we must wait till he be dead, 
•^nd call him not yet blest, but fortunate. Now 


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33. Ύαΰτα Χέ^ων τω Κροίσω ου κως ούτε 
εχαρίζετο, οΰτε Χό^ου μιν ττοιησάμενος ούΕενος 
άποπεμττεται, κάρτα Βόξας άμαθεα είναι^ δ? τα 
τταρεόντα άηαβα μετείς την τεΧευτήν τταντος 
χρήματος οράν εκεΧευε. 

34. Μετά Βε ^όΧωνα οίχόμενον εΧαβε εκ θεού 
νεμεσις με^άΧη Κ,ροΐσον, ως εΐκάσαί, οτι ενομισε 
εωυτον είναι ανθρώπων απάντων οΧβιώτατον. 
αυτίκα 8έ οΐ εΰΒοντί επέστη ονειρος, 6ς οί την 
άΧηθείην έφαινε τών μεΧΧόντων γενέσθαι κακών 
κατά τον παΐ8α, ήσαν Βε τω Κ.ροίσω Βύο παΐΒες, 
τών οΰτερος μεν Βίεφθαρτο, ήν yap Βή κωφός^ 6 Βε 
έτερος τών ήΧίκων μακρώ τα πάντα πρώτος' 
οΰνομα Βε οΐ ήν "Ατυς, τούτον Βή ών τον 'Άτνν 
σημαίνει τω Κροίσω 6 ονειρος, ώς άποΧεει μιν 
αιχμή σιΒηρετ] βΧηθέντα. ο δ' επείτε εξη^ερθη 
καΐ εωυτώ Xoyov εΒωκε, καταρρωΒήσας τον ονειρον 
ayετaί μεν τω παιΒΙ yυvaΐκa, εωθότα Βε στρατη- 
y^LV μιν τών ΑυΒών ούΒαμή ετι επϊ τοιούτο 
πpήyμa εξέπεμπε' ακόντια Βε καΐ Βοράτια καΐ τά 

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BOOK I. 32-34 

no one (who is but man) can have all these good 
things together, just as no land is altogether self- 
sufficing in what it produces : one tiling it has, 
another it lacks, and the best land is that which 
has most ; so too no single person is sufficient for 
himself: one thing he has, another he lacks ; but 
whoever continues in the possession of most things, 
anc^ at last makes a gracious end of his life, such 
a man, Ο King, I deem worthy of this title. We 
must look to the conclusion of every matter, and see 
how it shall end, for there are many to whom 
heaven has given a vision of blessedness, and yet 
afterwards brought them to utter ruin." 

33. So spoke Solon: Croesus therefore gave him no 
largess, but sent him away as a man of no account, for 
he thought that man to be very foolish who dis- 
regarded present prosperity and bade him look rather 
to the end of every matter. 

34. But after Solon's departure, the divine anger 
fell heavily on Croesus : as I guess, because he 
supposed himself to be blest beyond all other men. 
Presently, as he slept, he was visited by a dream, 
which foretold truly to him the evil which should 
befall his son. He had t\vo sons, one of whom was 
wholly undone, for he was deaf and dumb, but the 
other, whose name was Atys, was in every way far 
pre-eminent over all of his years. The dream then 
showed to Croesus that Atys should be smitten and 
killed by a spear of iron. So Croesus, when he 
woke and considered the dream with himself, was 
greatly affrighted by it ; and first he made a marriage 
for his son, and moreover, whereas Atys was wont 
to lead the Lydian armies, Croesus now would not 
suffer him to go out on any such enterprise, Avhile 

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νομίζόμενα ίττοίησε 6 Κροΐσος, εττυνθάνετο οκόθεν 
τ€ καΐ τις βϊη, Χέ'γων τάδε* ^^''Ω^νθρωττε, τις Τ6 icov 
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άΒεΧφεον εμεωυτοΰ άεκων ττάρειμι εξεΧηΧαμενος 
τε ύπο του ττατρος και εστερημενος ττΰντων^ 
Κροίσος δε μιν άμείβετο τοΐσιΒε' '' ^ΑνΒρών τε 
φίΧων τυγχ^άνεις εκ^ονος εων και- εΧηΧυθας ες 
φίΧους^ ένθα άμηχανησ εις 'χρήματος ούΒενος μένων 
εν ημέτερου, συμφορήν τε ταύτην ώς κουφότατα 
φέρων κερΒανέεις ττΧεΙστον,^^ 

36. ' Ο μεν Βη Βίαιταν είχε εν Κροίσου, εν δε 
τω αυτω χρόνω τούτω εν τω Μυσίω ^ΟΧύμττω ύος 
χρήμα γίνεται μέ^α' ορμώμενος δε ούτος εκ του 
ορεος τούτου τα των Μ,υσών έργα Βιαφθείρεσκε, 
ΤΓοΧΧάκις δε οι ΜυσοΙ επ αύτον εξεΧθόντες 

^ €χυντο$ Stein. 

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BOOK I. 34-36 

he took the javelins and spears and all such instru- 
ments of war from the men's apartments and piled 
them up in his storehouse,^ lest any of them should 
fall upon his son from where it hung. 

35. Now while Croesus was busied about the mar- 
riage of his son, there came to Sardis a Phrygian of 
the royal house, in great distress and with hands un- 
clean. This man came to Croesus* house, and en- 
treated that he might be purified after the custom of 
the country; so Croesus purified him (the Lydians 
use the same manner of purification as do the Greeks), 
and when he had done all according to usage, he 
inquired of the Phrygian whence he came and who 
he was : ^* Friend," said he, " who are you, and from 
what place in Phrygia do you come to be my sup- 
pliant? and what man or woman have you slain?" 
" Ο King," the man ansAvered, " I am the son of 
Gordias the son of Midas, and my name is Adrastus ; 
by no will of mine, I slew my brother, and hither I 
am come, banished by my father and bereft of all." 
Croesus answered, ^' All of your family are my friends, 
and to friends you have come, among whom you shall 
lack nothing but abide in my house. And for your 
misfortune, bear it as liglitly as may be and you will 
be the more profited." 

36. So Adrastus lived in Croesus' house. About 
this same time there appeared on the Mysian 
Olympus a great monster of a boar, Λνΐιο would issue 
out from that mountain and ravage the fields of the 
Mysians. Often had the Mysians gone out against 

^ Or, perhaps, ** in the women's quarters." 

VOL. I. C ^^ 

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εκ της χώρης.^* 

37. Ύαύτα άμείλΙτατο' άττοχρεω μένων Βε τού- 
τοίσι των Μυσών, εττεσερχεταί 6 τού Κροίσου 
τταΐς άκηκοως των εΒεοντο οΐ Μι^σοί. ου φαμενου 
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yυvaικί; κοίω Be εκείνη Βόζει άνΒρΙ συνοίκεειν\ 
εμε ων συ η μέτες Ιεναι εττΐ την θηρην, η λόγω 
άνάττεισον οκως μοι άμείνω εστί ταύτα οΰτα 


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BOOK 1. 36-37 

liiiii : but tlicy never did him any Ijann and rather 
were themselves hurt thereby. At last they sent 
messengers to Croesus^ with this message : *^ King, a 
great monster of a boar has appeared in the land, 
who destroys our fields ; for all our attempts^ we 
cannot kill him; now therefore, we beseech you, send 
with us your son, and chosen young men and dogs, 
that we may rid the country of him." Such was their 
entreaty, but Croesus remembered the prophecy of 
his dream and thus answered them : " Say no more 
about my son : 1 will not send him with you : he is 
newly mifcrried, and that is his present business. But 
1 will send chosen men of the Lydians, and all the 
hunt, and I will bid those who go to use ail zeal in 
aiding you to rid the country of this beast." 

37. So he replied,and the Mysians were satisfied with 
this. But the son of Croesus now came in, Λνΐιο had 
heard the request of the Mysians ; and when Croesus 
refused to send his son with them, " Father," said 
the young man, ^'it \vas formerly held fairest and 
noblest that we princes should go constantly to war 
and the chase and win thereby renown ; but now you 
have barred me from both of these, not for any sign 
that you have seen in me of a coward or craven spirit. 
With what face can 1 thus show myself whenever 1 
go to and from the market-place } What will the 
men of the city think of me^ and what my new- 
wedded wife ? With what manner of man will she 
think that she dwells } Nay, do you either let me 
go to this hunt, or show me by reason good that 
what you are doing is best for me." 


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38. ^Αμείββται Κροίσος τοΐσιΒβ, "Ώ τταΖ» 
οντ€ Βείλίην οΰτ€ άΧλο ούΒβν α'χαρι τταριΒών τοί 
ΤΓΟίεω ταντα, άΧΚά μοί οψις ονείρου iv τω νττνω 
βτηστάσα βφη σβ οΧι^γοχρόνίον βσεσθαΐ' ύττο yap 
αΐ'χ^μης σιΒηρέης άττόΧέεσθαί. ττρος ων την oyjnv 
ταντην τον re ^άμον τοί τούτον εσιτευσα κάϊ εττΐ 
τα 7Γ αραΧαμβανομενα ουκ άττοττεμιτω, φυΧακην 
έχων, εϊ κως Βυναίμην εττΐ της εμής σε ζόης Sta- 
κΧεψαι. εϊς yap μοι μουνος τυ^γ^άνεις εών τταΐς' 
τον yap Βη έτερον Βιεφθαρμένον την άκοην ουκ 
είναι μοί XoyLζoμaL.'' 

39. ^Αμείβεται 6 νεηνίης τοΐσώε. " Σι^γγι^ώ/^?^ 
μεν ω ττάτερ τοί, ΙΒόντί yε όψιν τοιαντην, ττερϊ 
εμε φυΧακην εχειν το Βε ου μανθάνεις άΧΧα 
ΧεΧηθε σε το ονειρον, εμε τον Βίκαων εστϊ φράζειν. 
φΎ}ς τοί το ονειρον νττο αΙχμής σιΒηρεης φάναι 
εμε τεΧευτησει,ν ύος Βε κοΐαι μεν είσϊ "χείρες^ κοίη 
Βε αΐ'χμη σιΒηρεη την συ φοβεαι; εΐ μεν yap ύττο 
οΒόντος ΤΟΙ είττε τεΧευτήσειν με, η άΧΧου τευ ο τι 
τούτω εοικε, χρην Βη σε Ίτοιεειν τα ττοιεεις' νυν Βε 
ίιτΓΟ αΙχμης. εττειτε ων ου ττρος άνΒρας ήμΐν 
yiv€Tai ή μάχη, μέτες με." 

40. ^Αμείβεται Κροίσος ''Ώ τταϊ, εστί ττ) με 
νικάς yvώμηv άττοφαίνων ττερϊ του ενυττνίου. ως 
ων νενικημένος υττο σέο μετayιvώσκω, μετίημί τε 
σε Ιεναυ εττΐ την aypηv. ' 

41. Είττα? Βε ταύτα 6 Κροίσος μεταττεμττεταί 
τον Φpύya "ΑΒρηστον, άττικομένω Βε οΐ Xεyεί 
τάδε. ^'^ΆΒρηστε, εγώ σε σύμφορη lΓε'πXηyμεvov 
άχαρι, την τοί ουκ ονειΒιζω, εκάθηρα καϊ οΐκίοισι 
ύτΓοΒεξάμενος βχω, πταρεχων ττάσαν Βαττάνην. νυν 
ων (οφείΧεις yap εμοΰ ττροττοίήσαντος χρηστά ες 


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BOOK 1. 38-41 

38. "My son/' answered Croesus, "if I do this, it is 
not that I have seen cowardice or auglit unseemly in 
you ; no, but the vision of a dream stood over me in 
my sleep, and told me that your life should be short, 
for you should be slain by a spear of iron. It is for 
that vision that I was careful to make your marriage, 
and send you on no enterprise that I have in hand, 
but keep guard over you, so that haply I may trick 
death of you through my lifetime. You are my only 
son : for that other, since his hearing is lost to him^ 
I count no son of mine." 

39. " Father," the youth replied, " none can blame 
you for keeping guard over me, Avhen you have seen 
such a vision ; but it is my right to sho>v you this 
which you do not perceive, and wherein you mistake 
the meaning of the dream. You say that the dream 
told you that I should be killed by a spear of iron ; 
but has a boar hands ? Has it that iron spear which 
you dread ? Had the dream said I should be slain by 
a tusk or some other thing belonging to a boar, you 
had been right in acting as you act ; but no, it was 
to be a spear. Therefore, since it is not against men 
that Λve are to fight, suffer me to go." 

40. Croesus answered, "My son, your judgment 
concerning the dream does somewhat overpersuade 
me ; and being so convinced by you I change my 
purpose and permit you to go to the chase." 

41. Having said this, Croesus sent for Adrastus 
the Phrygian and when he came thus addressed him : 
"Adrastus, when you were smitten by grievous mis- 
fortune, for which I blame you not, it was I Avho 
cleansed you, and received an'd still keep you in my 
house, defraying all your charges. Now therefore (as 
you owe me a return of good service for the benefits 


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σ€ χρηστοΐσί με άμείβεσθαι) φύλακα τται^ός σβ 
του €μού 'χρ7]ίζω 'yeveoOat €ς• αηρην ορμωμίνου, 
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ττατρώίον τ€ yap τοι βστϊ κα\ ττροσίτι ρώμη 

42. ^Αμείβεται 6 "ΑΖρηστο^ **Ώ βασιλεν, 
άλλως μβν βγωγβ αν ουκ ήια 69 αεθΧον Totovhe- 
οΰτ€ yap σύμφορη TOifjSe κβχρημβνον οΙκός βστί 
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XeaOat τταρα^ ιτοΧΚαχη τε αν νσχον εμεωυτόν. 
νυν 8ε, εττείτε συ σττεύδε/ς καΐ Βεΐ τοι χαρίζεσθαι 
(οφείΧω yap σε άμείβεσθαι χρηστοΐσι), ττοίέειν 
είμϊ €τοιμο<ζ ταύτα, τταΖδά τε σον, τον ΒίακεΧεύεαι 
φυΧάσσειν, άττήμονα του φυΧάσσοντο^ εΊνεκεν 
ττροσΒόκα τοι άπονοστησειν.'^ 

43. Ύοίούτοίσί εττειτε ovTo^i άμειψατο Ι^ροΙσον, 
ηισαν μετά ταύτα εξηρτυμενοι Xoyάσi τε νεηνίησι 
κα\ κυσί» αττικό μενοί 8ε eV τον "ΟΧυμττον το ορός 
εζητεον το θηριον, εύρ6ντε<; Βε καΐ ττεριστάντε'ζ 
αυτό κύκΧω εσηκόντιζον, ένθα Βη 6 ξεΐνος, 
ούτος Βη 6 καθαρθεΧς τον φόνον, καΧεόμενος Βε 
"ΑΒρηστος, άκοντίζων τον υν του μεν άμαρτάνει, 
τυyχάvεί Βε του Κροίσου ιταίΒος. ο μεν Βη βΧη- 
θείς τη αίχμτ) εξεττΧησε του ονείρου την φήμην, 
εθεε Βε τις άγγ^'^^'^ί^ '^ψ Κροισω το yεyov6ς, 
άΐΓΐκόμενος Βε ες τας ^άρΒις την τε μάχην καΐ τον 
του τταιΒος μόρον εσήμηνέ oL 

44. Ό δε Κροίσος τω Θανάτω του τταιΒος συν- 
τετapayμεvoς μάΧΧόν τι εBeιvoXoyεετo οτι μιν 
άττεκτεινε τον αύτος φόνου εκάθηρε• περιημεκτέων 

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BOOK 1. 41-44 

which I have done you) I ask you to watch over 
my son as he goes out to the chase. See to it that 
no ruffian robbers meet you on the way, to do you 
harm. Moreover it is but right that you too should 
go %vliere you can win renown by your deeds. That 
is fitting for your father's son; and you are strong 
enough withal." 

42. "O King/' Adrastus answered, ''had it been 
otherwise, I would not have gone forth on this enter- 
prise. One so unfortunate as I should not consort 
with the prosperous among his peers ; nor have 1 the 
wish so to do, and for many reasons I would liave 
held back. But now, since you so desire and I must 
do your pleasure (owing you as I do a requital of 
good service), I am ready to obey you in this ; and 
for your son, in so far as I can protect him, look 
for his coming back unharmed." 

43. So when Adrastus had thus answered Croesus 
they went out presently equipped with a comj^any 
of chosen young men and dogs. When they had 
come to Mount Olympus they hunted for the beast, 
and having .found him they made a ring and threw 
their spears at him : then the guest called Adrastus, 
the man who had been cleansed of the deed of blood, 
missed the boar with his spear and hit the son of 
Croesus. So Atys was smitten by the spear and ful- 
filled the utterance of the dream. One ran to bring 
Croesus word of what had been done, and came to 
Sardis, where he told the king of the fight and the 
manner of his son's end. 

44. Croesus, distraught by the death of his son, 
cried out the more vehemently because the slayer 
was one whom he himself had cleansed of a bloody 


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Be TTj συμφορτ} Βεινώς ifcoKee μβν Δία καθάρσιον 
μαρτυρόμβνος τα ύπο τον ξβίνον ττβΤΓονθως βϊη 
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τον τταιΒος ikavdave βοσκών^ τον Be ίταφψον, 
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45. ΐίαρήσαν Bk μβτα τούτο οΙ ΑνΒοΙ φέροντες 
τον νεκρόν, οττισθε Βε εΊττετο οΐ 6 φονενς* στας 
Βε•οντος ττρο τού νεκρού τταρεΒίΒον εωντον Κροίσω 
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τφ νεκρω, Χε'γων την τε ττροτερην εωντού σνμ- 
φορ7]ν, και ως επ εκείντ) τον καθηραντα άττοΧω- 
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τούτων άκουσας τον τε 'ΆΒρηστον κατοικτείρείί 
καίττερ εών εν κακω οίκηίω τοσοντω καί \έ'yεt 
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άέκων εξερ^άσαο^ αλλά Θέων κού τις, ος μοι 
καΐ ττάΧαι προεσημαινε τα μέΧΧοντα εσεσθαι.^^ 
Κροίσος μεν νυν έθαψε ως οίκος ην τον εωντού 
παϊΒα' 'ΆΒρηστος Βε 6 ΓορΒίεω τού ΜΙΒεω, 
ούτος Βη 6 φονενς μεν τον εωντού άΒεΧφεού 
'γενόμενος φονεύς Βε τού καθηραντος, επείτε 
ησυγίη των άνθρώιτων ε'γενετο ττερϊ το σήμα, 
σνγ^ινωσκό μένος άνθρώττων είναι των αντος {/Βεε 
βαρνσνμφορώτατος, εττικατασφάζει τω τνμβω 

46. Κροίσος Βε επΙ Βνο ετεα εν πενθεί με^άΧω 


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BOOK I. 44-46 

deed, and in his great and terrible grief at this mis- 
chance he called on Zeus by three names — Zeus the 
Purifier, Zeus of the Hearth, Zeus of Comrades : the 
first, because he would have the god know Λvhat evil 
his guest had wrought him ; the second, because he 
had received the guest into his house and thus un- 
wittingly entei-tained the slayer of his son ; and the 
third, because he had found his worst foe in the man 
whom he sent as a protector. 

45. Soon came the Lydians, bearing the dead 
corpse, with the slayer following after. He then 
came and stood before the body and gave himself 
wholly into Croesus' power, holding out his hands 
and praying the king to slay him Λvhere he stood by 
the dead man: "Remember," he said, " my former 
mischance, and see how besides that I have undone 
him who purified me ; indeed, it is not fit that I 
should live." On hearing this Croesus, though his 
own sorrow was so great, took pity on Adrastus and 
said to him, " Friend, I have from you all that jus- 
tice asks, since you deem yourself worthy of death. 
But it is not you that 1 hold the cause of this evil, 
save in so far as you were the unwilling doer of it : 
rather it is the Λvork of a god, the same who told 
me long ago Avhat was to be." So Croesus buried 
his own son in such manner as was fitting. But 
Adrastus, son of Gordias who was son of Midas, 
this Adrastus, the slayer of his own brother and 
of the man who purified him, when tlie tomb was 
undisturbed by the presence of men, slew himself 
there by the sepulchre, seeing now clearly that he 
was the most ill-fated wretch of all men whom he 

46. Croesus, after the loss of his son, sat in deep 

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47. ^ΚντείΧάμενος Εε τοΐσι ΑυΒοΐσι τά8ε άττε- 
ττεμττε ες την Βιαττειραν των 'χ^ρηστηρίων, αττ ης 
αν ήμερης ορμηθεωσι εκ 'ϊ,αρΒίων, άττο ταύτης 
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θεσττίσγ^ σν^^ρα'^αμενους αναώερειν ιταρ εωντόν. 
6 τι μεν νυν τα Χοιττα των )(^ρηστηρίων εθεσττισε, 
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Ώυθίη εν εξαμετρω τόνω Xeyei τάδβ. 

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BOOK 1. 46-47 

sorrow for two years. After this time, tlie de- 
struction by Cyrus son of Canibyses of the sover- 
eignty of Astyages son of Cyaxares, anci the growth 
of tlie power of tlie Persians, caused him to cease 
from his mourning; and he resolved, if he could, 
to forestall the increase of the Persian power before 
they grew to greatness. Having thus determined, 
he straightv.ay made trial of the Greek and Libyan 
oracles, sending messengers separately to Delphi, 
to Abac in Phocia, and to Dodona, while oth.ers 
again were despatched to Ampliiaraus and Tro- 
phonius,^ and others to Branchidae in the Milesian 
country. These are the Greek oracles to which 
Croesus sent for divination : and he bade others go 
to inquire of Ammon in Libj^a. His intent in 
sending was to test the knowledge of the onicles, 
so that, if they should be found to know the truth, 
lie might send again and ask if he should take in 
hand an expedition against the I'ersians. 

47. And wlien he sent to make trial of these 
shrines he gave the Lydians this charge : they were 
to keep count of the time from the day of their 
leaving Sardis, and on the hundredth day inquire of 
the oracles what Croesus, king of Lydia, son of 
Alyattes, was then doing ; then they were to write 
down whatever were the oracular answers and bring 
them back to him. Now none relate Λvhat answer 
was given by tlie rest of the oracles. But at Delphi, 
no sooner had the Lydians entered the hall to 
inquire of the god and asked the question with 
which they were charged, tlian the Pythian priestess 
uttered the following hexameter verses : 

' That is, to thn oraf:nlar slirines of tiiese legenilary 
lie roes. 

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ΟΖδα δ* €γώ ψάαμου τ* αριθμόν καΧ μ€τρα 

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κατακόψας ομού ηψε αύτος εν Χεβητι 'χαΧκεω, 
χ^άΧκεον εττίθημα ετηθεις, 

49. Τα μεν Βη εκ ΑεΧφών οΰτω τω Κ,ροίσω 
εχρήσθη' κατά Βε την ^ Α,μφίάρεω του μάντη ίου 
υττόκρίσιν, ουκ εχω είττεΐν 6 τι τοΐσι ΑυΒοΐοι- 
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τούτο ενόμισε μαντψον άψευΒες εκτησθαι, 


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BOOK I. 47-49 

Grains of sand I reckon and measure the spaces of 

Hear when dumb men speak, and mark the speech 

of the silent. 
What is it now that I smell? 'tis a tortoise mightily 

Sodden in vessel of bronze, with a lamb*s flesh 

mingled together : 
Bronze thereunder is laid and a mantle of bronze is 

upon it." 

48. Having written down this inspired utterance 
cf the Pythian priestess, the Lydians went away 
back to Sardis. When the others as well who had 
been sent to divers places came bringing their 
oracles, Croesus then unfolded and surveyed all the 
writings. Some of them in no wise satisfied him. 
But when he heard the Delphian message, he 
acknowledged it with worship and Avelcome, con- 
sidering that Delphi was the only true place of 
divination, because it had discovered what he 
himself had done. For after sending his envDys 
to the oracles, he bethought him of a device which 
no conjecture could discover, and carried it out on 
the appointed day : namely, he cut up a tortoise and 
a lamb, and then himself boiled them in a caldron of 
bronze covered with a lid of the same. 

49. Such then was the answer from Delphi de 
livered to Croesus. As to the reply which the Lydians 
received from the oracle of Amphiaraus when they 
had followed the due custom of the temple, I 
cannot say what it Avas, for nothing is recorded 
of it, saving that Croesus held that from this oracle 
too he had obtained a true answer. 


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50. ΛΙετα Se ταύτα Θνσίγσί μ€^ά\τ}σί τον ev 
ΑβΧφοΐσι Oeov ιΧάσκβτο' κτήνεά Τ€ <γαρτα θύσιμα 
ττάντα τρισγιΚια βθυσβ, κΧίνα^ τ€ επίχρυσους 
καϊ βτταρ'Ύυρους καΐ φιάλας χρυσεας κα\ εϊματα 
ΤΓορφύρεα καϊ κιθώνας, νησας ττνρην fie'ya\rjv, 
κατεκαιε, εΚττίζων τον Θεον μαΧλόν τι τουτοισι 
άνακτήσεσθαί* Αυ^οΐσί τε ττάσι ττροεΐττε Θύειν 
ττάντα τίνα αυτών τούτω ο τι εχοι, έκαστος, ώς 
8ε εκ της θνσίης ε^ενετο, καταγεάμενος -χρυσον 
(ίττΧετον ημητΧίνθία εξ αυτού εξήΧαυνε^ εττί μεν 
τα μακρότερα ττοίεων εξαττάΧαιστα, εττΙ Βε τα 
βραδύτερα τριπάΧαίστα, ΰψος Βε τταΧαιστιαΙα. 
αριθμόν Βε επτακαίΒεκα καϊ εκατόν, και τούτων 
άττεφΘου χρυσού τέσσερα, τρίτον ημιτάΧαντον 
εκαστον εΧκοντα, τα Βε αΧΧα ημίΐτΧίνθια Χευκού 
χρυσού, σταθμον ΒίτάΧαντα, εττοιεετο Βε καϊ 
Χεοντος εΙκόνα χρυσού άττεφΘου εΧκουσαν σταθμον 
τάΧαντα Βεκα, ούτος ο Χεων, εττειτε κατεκαιετο 
6 εν ία^εΧφοΙσι νηός, κατεττεσε άττο των ημίττΧιν- 
ΘΙων (επΙ yap τούτοισι ΊΒρυτο), καϊ νύν κείται εν 
τω Κορινθίων θησαυρω, εΧκων σταθμον εβΒομον 
ημίτάΧαντον άττετάκη yap αυτού τέταρτον ημι- 

51. ^ΚττίτεΧεσας Βε 6 Ι^ροΐσος ταύτα άπεπεμπε 
ες ΑεΧφούς, καΐ τάΒε άΧΧα αμα τοΐσι, κρητήρας 
Βύο μεηάθεϊ με^άΧους, χρύσεον καΐ άρ^ύρεον, των 
ό μεν χρνσεος εκείτο εττΐ Βεξιά εσιόντί ες τον νηόν, 
6 Βε άρ^ύρεος eV αριστερά, μετεκινήθησαν Βε 
καϊ ούτοι υττο τον νηον κατακαεντα, και 6 μεν 
χρύσεος κείται εν τω Κ,λαζομενίων θησαυρω, 
εΧκων σταθμον εϊνατον ημιτάΧαντον καϊ ετι Βυώ- 
Βεκα μνεας, 6 Βε άρ^ύρεος εττΐ του ττρονηίου της 


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BOOK I. 50-51 

50. After this, he strove to win the favour of the 
Delphian god with great sacrifices. He offered up 
three tliousand beasts from each kind fit for sacrifice, 
and he burnt on a great pyre couches covered witli 
gold and silver, golden goblets, and purple cloaks 
and tunics ; by these means he hoped the better to 
win the aid of the god, to whom he also commanded 
that every Lydian should sacrifice what he could. 
When the sacrifice was over, he melted down a vast 
store of gold and made of it ingots of which the 
longer sides were of six and the shorter of three 
palms' length, and the height was one palm. 
These were an hundred and seventeen in number. 
Four of them were of refined gold, each weighing 
two talents and a half; the rest were of gold with 
silver alloy, each of tAVO talents' Λveight. He bade 
also to be made a figure of a lion of refined gold, 
weighing ten talents. When the temple of Delphi 
was burnt, this lion fell from the ingots ivhich were 
the base whereon it stood ; and noAv it lies in the 
treasury of the Corinthians, but weighs only six 
talents and a half, for the fire melted away three and 
a half talents. 

51. W^hen these offerings were fully made, Croesus 
sent them to Delphi, with other gifts besides, namely, 
two very great bowls, one of gold and one of silver. 
The golden bo\vl stood to the right, the silvern to 
the left, of the temple entrance. These too were 
removed about the time of the temple's burning, 
and now the golden bowl, which weighs eight 
talents and a half, and twelve minae,^ lies in the 
treasury of the Clazomenians, and the silver bowl 
at the corner of the forecourt of the temple. This 

* μνά = ahout 15 oz. Troy weight. 


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'γωνίη^, "χλωρίων αμφορέας βζακοσιονζ' βτηκίρναταί 
yap ντΓο /Δελφών Θβοφανίοίσι, φασι he μιν ΑβλφοΙ 
(&€θΒώρον τον %αμίου epyov elvaiy καΐ βγω Βοκέω' 
ου yap το συντυγον φαίνεται μοι epyov etvat, 
καΐ ττίθονζ τ€ apyvpeov^ τέσσερας άττέττεμψε, οΐ 
iv τω Κορίνθιων θησαυρω εστάσί, καΐ ττεριρραν- 
τηρία Βνο άνεΘηκβ, χρνσεόν τ€ καΐ apyvpeoVy των 
τω γ^ρυσίφ eTnyiypaTTTai ΑακεΒαίμονίων φαμένων 
elvac ανάθημα, ουκ ορθω<ξ λεγοι^τβ?• εστί yap καΐ 
τούτο Κροίσου, eTriypa-^e δβ των τί? Αβλφων 
Αακε^αιμονίοισι βουΧόμενος χαρίζεσθαι, του ίτη- 
στάμ€νο<ζ το οΰνομα ουκ βττιμνησομαί, αλλ' ό μεν 
7Γα?9, Si ου της γειρος piei το ΰ8ωρ, ΑακεΒαιμονίων 
εστί, ου μεντοι των y€ ττεριρραντηρίων ούΒετερον, 
aWa τε αναθήματα ουκ εττίσημα τΐ'ολλά άττε- 
ττεμψε άμα τούτοισι 6 Κροίσος, καΐ γεύματα 
άpyύpεa κυκΧοτερεα, καΐ δη καΐ yυvaικbς εϊΒωΧον 
γρυσεον τρατηγυ, το Αε\φθί της άρτοκοττου της 
Κροίσου εΙκόνα Xέyoυσι είναι, ττρος Βε και της 
εωυτου yυvaίκbς τα άττο της Βειρής άνεθηκε 6 
Κροίσος καΐ τας ζώνας. 

52. Ύαύτα μεν ες ΑεΧφούς άττεττεμψε, τω Βε 
^Κμφίάρεω, ττυθόμενος αυτού την τε άρετην κα\ 
την ττάθην, άνεθηκε σάκος τε χρύσεον ττάν ομοίως 
καΐ αίγμην στερεην ττάσαν γρυσεην, το ζυστον 
τησι Χόγγησι εον ομοίως γρύσεον τα ετι καΐ 
αμφότερα ες εμε ην κείμενα εν %ηβησί καΐ ^ηβεων 
εν τω νηω του ^Ισμηνίου ^ ΑττόΧλωνος* 

53. Ύοΐσί Βε ayeiv μεΧλουσι των ΑυΒών ταύτα 
τα Βωρα ες τα Ιρά ενετεΧΚετο 6 Κροίσος εττειρωτάν 
τα γρηστηρια εΐ στρατεύηται εττΐ ΐίερσας Κροίσος 
και εΐ τίνα στρατον άνΒρων ττροσθεοίτο φίΧον, 


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BOOK I. 51-53 

bowl holds six hundred nine-gallon measures: for the 
Delphians use it for a mixing-bowl at the feast of 
the Divine Appearance,^ It is said by the Delphians 
to be the work of Theodorus of Samos^ and I believe 
them, for it seems to me to be of no common work- 
manship. Moreover, Croesus sent four silver casks, 
which stand in the treasury of the Corinthians, and 
dedicated two sprinkling-vessels, one ot gold, one of 
silver. The golden vessel bears the inscription 
"Given by the Lacedaemonians," who claim it as 
their offering. 'But they are wrong, for this, too, 
is Croesus' gift. The inscription was made by a 
certain Delphian, whose name I know but will not 
reveal, out of his desire to please the Lacedae- 
monians. The figure of a boy, through whose hand 
the water runs, is indeed a Lacedaemonian gift ; but 
they did not give either of the sprinkling-vessels. 
Along with these Croesus sent, besides many other 
offerings of no great mark, certain round basins of 
silver, and a golden female figure three cubits high, 
which the Delphians assert to be the statue of the 
woman avIio was Croesus' baker. Moreover he 
dedicated his own wife's necklaces and girdles. 

52 Such Avere the gifts which he sent to Delphi. 
To Amphiaraus, havhig learnt of his valour and his 
fate, he dedicated a shield made entirely of gold and 
a spear all of solid gold, point and shaft alike. Both 
of these lay till my time at Thebes, in the Theban 
temple of Ismenian Apollo. 

53, The Lydians who were to bring these gifts to 
the temples were charged by Croesus to inquire ot 
the oracles, " Shall Croesus send an army against 
the Persians : and shall he take to himself any allied 

^ The Theophania was a festival at Delphi, at which the 
statues of gods were shown. 


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ώς Se άτηκόμβνοί e? τα άττεττέμφθησαν οί Αυ^οΙ 
άνίθβσαν τά αναθήματα, βγ^ρίωντο τοΐσι χρηστί}- 
ρίοισί Χβ'γοντβς " Κροίσος ό Αυ8ων τε καΐ άΧΧωι 
Ιθνίων βασιλεύς, νομισας ταοε μαντηια elvat 
μοΰνα εν άνθρώποισί, νμΐν τε αξία Βωρα ε^ω /ce 
των εφευρημάτων, και νυν νμεας εττειρωτα €i 
στρατενηται εττΐ ΐίερσας και εΐ τίνα στρατον 
ανδρών ττροσθεοίτο σνμμαγρνΓ οι μα' ταύτα 
εττειρώτων, των Βε μαντηίων αμφοτέρων t? τώΐ'το 
αΐ ηνωμαι σννε^ραμον^ rrpoXiyovaai Κροίσω, ήν 
στρατενηται εττΐ Υίερσας, με^γήΧην αρχήν μιν 
καταΧύσειν τους Βε ΈΧλήνων Βυνατωτάτονς 
σννεβούΧενόν οί εξευρόντα φίΧους ττροσθεσθαι. 

54. 'EvretTe δε άνενείχθεντα τα Οεοττρόττία 
εττύθετο ό Κροίσος, υττερήσθη τε τοΐσί χρηστη- 
ρίοίσί, Ίτά'^χυ τε ελττίσας καταΧνσείν την Κνρον 
βασιΧηίην, ττεμψας αΰτις ες ΐΐυθω ΑεΧφούς So)- 
ρεεται, ττυθόμενος αυτών το ττΧήθος, κατ avhpa 
Ζνο στατήρσί εκαστον χρυσοί), ^ΙεΧφοΙ 8ε άντΙ 
τούτων ε^οσαν Κρούσω καΐ ΑνΒοΐσί ττρομαντηιην 
fcai άτεΧείην καΐ ττροεΒρίην, κα\ εξεΐναι τω βουΧη- 
μενω αύτων <γιν€σθαι ΑεΧφον ες τον αΐεΐ χρόνον. 

55. Αωρησάμενος Βε τους ΰ^εΧφους 6 Κροίσος 
εχρηστηριάζετο το τρίτον εττείτε yap Βη τταρ^.- 
Χαβε του μαντηιου αΧηθειην, ενεφορεετο αυτού, 
εττειρωτα δβ τάΖε χρήστη ρ ίαζο μένος, εΐ οι ττοΧυ- 


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BOOK I. 53-55 

Iiost Γ " When the Lvdians came to the places 
whither they were sent, they made present of the 
offerings, and inquired of the oracles, in these 
words : ^' Croesus, king of Lydia and other nations, 
seeing that he deems that here are the only true 
places of divination among men, endoΛVs you with 
such gifts as your Λvisdom merits. And now he 
would ask you, if he shall send an army against the 
Persians, and if he shall take to himself any allied 
host." Such was their inquiry; and the judgment 
given to Croesus by each of the two oracles was the 
same, to wit, that if he should send an army against 
the Persians he would destroy a great empire. And 
they counselled him to discover the mightiest of the 
Greeks and make them his friends. 

54. When the divine answers had been broiiglit 
back and Croesus learnt of them, he was greatly 
pleased with the oracles. So, being fully persuaded 
that he would destroy the kingdom of Cyrus, he 
sent once again to Pytho and endowed the Del- 
phians with two gold staters ^ apiece, according to 
his knowledge of their number. The Delphians, 
in return, gave Croesus and all Lydians tlie right 
of first consulting the oracle, freedom from all charges, 
the chief seats at festivals, and perpetual right of 
Delphian citizenship to whosoever should wish. 

55. Then Croesus after his gifts to the Delj)hians 
made a third inquiry of the oracle, for he would use 
it to the full, having received true answers from 
it; and the question which he asked in his in- 
quest was whether his sovereignty should be of long 

^ The stater was the common gold coin of the Greek world. 
The value of Croesus' stater was probably about twenty- 
three shillings of our money. 


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γ^ρόνιο'ζ εσται ή μουναρχίη. η δέ ΐίνθίη οι χρα 

*Αλλ' όταν 7)μίορος βασίΧβύς Μ.ήΒοισί ^ενηται, 
και τότε, AvSe ττοΒαβρβ, ττοΧνψήφιΒα τταρ 

φεύ^ειν μηΒβ μένειν μηΚ αΙΒβΐσθαί κακός είναι, 

56. Ύούτοισι εΚθουσι τοΐσι βττεσι 6 Ίζ,ροΐσος 
ποΧΚόν τι μαΚισταττάντων ησθη, εΚττίζων ημίονον 
ον8αμα αντ άνΒρος βασίΚεύσειν Μτ^δωρ, ουδ' ων 
αντος ovBe οΐ εξ αύτον τταύσεσθαι κοτε της αρχής, 
μετά Βε ταντα εφρόντιζε ίστορέων τους αν Έλλτ^- 
νων Βυνατωτάτονς εόντας ττροσκτήσαιτο φίλους, 
Ιστορεων Βε εύρισκε ΑακεΒαιμονΙους καΧ ^Αθη- 
ναίους ττροεχοντας τους μεν του δωρικού ^ενεος 
τους Βε του ^Ιωνικού, ταντα yap ην τα προκεκρι- 
αενα, εόντα το άρχαΐον το μεν ΐΙεΧασ^ίκον το Βε 
*Κ\\ηνίκον έθνος. καΧ το μεν ούΒαμτ} κω εξεχώ- 
ρησε, το Βε ποΧνπΧάνητον κάρτα. εττΧ μεν yap 
Δευκαλίωνος βασιΧεος οΐκεε yrjv την Φθίώτιν, 
εττΐ Βε Αώρου τοΰ^ ΚΧληνος την υττο την ^Όσσαν 
τ€ καΧ τον "ΟΧυμττον χώρην, καΧεομενην Βε Ίστι- 
αιωτίν εκ Βε της ΊστίαιώτίΒος ώς εξανέστη υττο 
ΚαΒμείων, οϊκεε εν ΥίινΒω Μ,ακεΒνον καΧεόμενον 
ενθευτεν Be αυτις ες την ΑρυοττίΒα μετέβη, καΧ εκ 
της ΑρυοττίΒος οΰτω ες ΤΙεΧοττόννησον εΧθον Δω- 
οίκον εκΧ7]θη, 


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BOOK I. 55-56 

duration. To this the Pythian priestess answered as 
follows : 

" Lydian^ beware of the day when a mule is lord oi 

the Medians : 
Then with thy delicate feet by the stone-strewn 

channel of Hermus 
Flee for thy life, nor abide, nor blush for the name 

of a craven." 

56. When he heard these verses Croesus was 
pleased with them above all, for he thought that a 
mule would never be king of the Medians in place of 
a man, and so that he and his posterity would never 
lose his empire. Then he ί ought very carefully to 
discover who were the mightiest of the Greeks whom 
he should make his friends. He found by inquiry 
that the chief peoples were the Lacedaemonians 
among those of Doric, and the Athenians among 
those of Ionic stock. These races, Ionian and Dorian, 
were the foremost in ancient time, the first a Pelas- 
gian and the second an Hellenic people. The 
Pelasgian stock has never yet left its habitation, the 
Hellenic has wandered often and afar. For in the 
days of king Deucalion ^ it inhabited the land of 
Phthia, then in the time of Dorus son of Hellen the 
country called Histiaean, under Ossa and Olympus ; 
driven by the Cadmeans fiom this Histiaean country 
it settled about Pindus in the parts called Macednian ; 
thence again it migrated to Dryopia, and at last 
came from Dryopia into Peloponnesus, where it took 
the name of Dorian.^ 

^ Deucalion and Pyrrha were the survivors of the Deluge 
as known to Greek legend. 

* The localities mentioned in the story of the migration 
into the Peloponnese are all in northern Greece. 


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57. "livTiva Be ηΚωσσαν Ίβσαν οι UeXaayol, 
ουκ €χω άτρεκίως eirrelv, el he xpeov eari 
τεκμαιρόμενον Xeyeip rotac νυν en εοϋσι Πβλασ- 
^ών των vTrep Ύυρσηνών Κ,ρηστώνα ττόΧιν οίκεόν- 
των, οϊ ομουροί κοτε ήσαν τοίσν νυν Αωριεΰσί 
καΧεομενοισι (οϊκεον Be τηνικαντα jtjv την νυν 
θεσσαΧίώτίν καΧεομενην), κάϊ των ΏΧακίην τε 
καϊ ΈκυΧάκην JJeXaaycov οίκησάντων εν Έλλτ/σ- 
ττόντω^ οΐ σύνοικ,οι εηενοντο ^Κθηναίοισι, καί οσα 
άΧΧα UeXaayi/ca εόντα ττοΧίσματα το οΰνομα 
μετεβαΧε* εΐ τούτοισι τεκμαιρόμενον 8et λβγβϋ^, 
Ύ]σαν οι ΧΙεΧασηοι βάρβαρον ^Χώιτσαν Ιεντες. ει 
τοίνυν ην καϊ ττάν τοιούτο το ΙΙεΧασ'γικόν^ το 
Άττίκον εθνο^ εον TleXaayi/cov αμα ttj μεταβοΧτ) 
TTj €9 "ΚΧΧηνα^ καϊ την <γΧώσσαν μετεμαθε. καϊ 
yap Si] ούτε οι Κρηστωνιήται ούΒαμοΐσι των νυν 
σφεα<; ττεριοικεοντων εισι oμόyXωσσoL ούτε οΐ 
ΤΙΧακιηνοι, σφίσι 8ε oμoyXωσσoL•' ΒηΧούσί τε οτι 
τον ηvelfcavτoyXώσση^ χαρακτήρα μεταβαίνοντες 
€9 ταύτα τα χω play τούτον εχουσι εν φυΧακτ}, 

58. Το Βε ^ΕίΧΧηνικον yXcoaap μεν εττείτε εyεvετo 
αΐεί κοτε ttj ανττ} Βιαχράται, ως εμοί καταφαί- 
νεται eJvar άττοσχισθεν μεντοι άττο του ΙΙεΧασ- 
yiKov εον ασθενές^ άττο σμικροί) τεο την άρχην 
ορμώμενον αΰξηται ες πΧήθος των εθνεων, Πβ- 
Xaayoyv μάΧιστα ττροσκεχωρηκότων αντίο καϊ 
αΧΧων εθνεων βαρβάρων συχνών, ττροσθε 8ε 
ων εμoLye 8οκεει ού8ε το ΐleXaσyικov έθνος, εον 
βάρβαρον, ον8αμά μεyάXως αύξηθήναι, 

59. Τούτων 8η ων των εθνεων το μεν ^ Αττίκον 
κατεχόμενον τε και Βιεσττασ βενον επυνθάνετο ό 


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BOOK 1. 5759 

57. What language the Pelasgiaiis spoke I cannot 
accurately say. But if one may judge by those that 
still remain of the Pelasgians who dwell above the 
I'yrrheni^ in the city of Creston — who were once 
neighbours of the people now called Dorians, and at 
that time inhabited the country which now is called 
Thessalian — and of the Pelasgians who inhabited 
Placia and Scylace on the Hellespont, Avho came to 
dwell among the Athenians, and by other towns too 
which were once Pelasgian and afterwards took a 
different name :— if (1 say) one may judge by these, 
the Pelasgians spoke a language which was not Greek. 
If then all the Pelasgian stock so s])oke, then the 
Attic nation, being of Pelasgian blood, must have 
changed its language too at the time when it became 
part of the Hellenes. For the })eople of Creston 
and Placia have a language of their own in common, 
Avhich is not the language of their neighbours ; and it 
is plain that they still preserve the fashion of speech 
which they brought with them in their migration 
into the places wiiere they dwell. 

58. But the Hellenic stock, as to me seems clear, 
has ever used the same language since its beginning ; 
yet being, when separated from the Pelasgians, but 
few in number, they have grown from a small begin- 
ning to comprise a multitude of nations, chiefly 
because the Pelasgians and many other foreign 
peoples united themselves with them. Before that, 
as I think, the Pelasgic stock nowhere increased 
greatly in number Avhile it was of foreign speech. 

59. Now, of these two peoples, Croesus learned 
that the Attic was held in subjection and divided 

^ If these are the Etruscans, then Creston may = Gorton a : 
but the whole matter is doubtful. 


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Κροΐσο<; υττο Τίείσίστράτον του Ίτητοκράτεος 
τούτον τον 'χ^ρόνον τυραννευοντο^ Αθηναίων* 
ΊτΓΤΓοκράτβϊ yap iovTL ΙΒιώττ] καΐ θεωρέοντι τα 
ΌΧνμπία τέρα^ζ ε^ένετο /ζ,βγα• θνσαντος yap 
αυτού τα ίρα οΐ \έβητ6<ζ εττεστεώτες καϊ κρβων 
τ€ €Οι^Τ€9 εμττΚεοί καϊ ΰΒατο<ζ άνευ ττυρος έζεσαν 
καϊ ύττερεβαΧον. Χίλωζ^ Sk 6 ΑακεΒαίμόνιος 
τταρατυγων καϊ θεησάμενος το τέρας συνεβούΧευε 
ΊτΓΤΓΟκράτεϊ ττρωτα μεν γυναίκα μη ά^εσθαι τεκ- 
νοποιον ες τα οΐκία^ εΐ Se τυ^χ^άνει έχων, Βεύτερα 
την γυναίκα εκπεμπειν» καϊ εϊ τις οί τυγχάνει εων 
τταΐς^ τούτον άττείττασθαι» οΰκων ταύτα τταραινέ- 
σαντος Χ,ίΧωνος ττείθεσθαί θεΧειν τον Ίπττοκράτεα'• 
γενέσθαι οί μετά ταύτα τον Ιίεισίστρατον τούτον, 
ος στασιαζόντων των τταραΚων καϊ των εκ τού 
ττεΒίου ^Αθηναίων^ καϊ των μεν ττροεστεώτος 
MεyaκXεoς τού ^ΑΧκμέωνος, των 8ε εκ τού πεδίου 
Aυκoύpyoυ * ΑριστοΧα'ίΒεω, καταφρονήσας την 
τυραννίδα ηyεLp6 τρίτην στάσιν συΧΧεξας Se 
στασιώτας καϊ τω λόγω των ύττερακρίων ττροστάς 
μηγαναται τοιάΒε, τρωματίσας εωυτόν τε καϊ! 
ημίόνους ηΧασε ες την ayoprjv το ζεύyoς ώς 
εκ^Γεφευyως τους εχθρούς, ο" μιν εΧαύνοντα ες 
aypov ήθέΧησαν άττοΧεσαι Βήθεν, ε^έετό τε τού 
Ζήμου φυΧακής τίνος ττρος αυτού κυρήσαι, πρό- 
τερον εύΒοκιμησας εν τη ττρος Mεyapέaς yεvoμεv7} 
στpaτηyίrJ, ^ίσαίάν τε εΧων καϊ αΧΧα άττοΒεξά- 
μενος μεyάXa ipya, 6 8ε Βήμος 6 των ^Αθηναίων 
εξαπατηθείς εΒωκέ οί των αστών καταΧεξας 
άνδρας τούτους οι δορυφόροι μεν ουκ iyivovTO 
ΐίεισίστράτου, κορυνηφόροι δβ* ξύΧων yap κορύνας 
έχοντες είττοντό οί οτησθε, συνετταναστάντες Ζε 

Digitized by Microsoft (5) 

BOOK 1. 59 

into factions by Pisistratus son of Hippocrates, who 
at that time was sovereign over the Athenians. 
This Hippocrates was but a private man when a 
great marvel happened to him as he was at 
Olympia to see the games : \vhen he had offered 
the sacrifice, the vessels, standing there full of meat 
and water, boiled without fire till they overflowed. 
Chilon the Lacedaemonian, who chanced to be 
there and saw this marvel, counselled Hippocrates 
not to take into his house a childbearing \vife, if 
so might be : but if he had one already, then at 
least to send her away, and if he had a son, to disown 
him, Hippocrates refused to folloΛv the counsel of 
Chilon, and presently there was born to him this 
Pisistratus aforesaid. In course of time there was a 
feud between the Athenians of the coast under 
Megacles son of Alcmeon and the Athenians of the 
plain under Lycurgus son of Aristolaides. Pisistratus 
then, having an eye to the sovereign power, raised 
up a third faction. He collected partisans and pre- 
tended to champion the hillmen ; and this Avas his 
plan. Wounding himself and his mules, he drove his 
carriage into the market place with a tale that he 
had escaped from his enemies, who would have slain 
him (so he said) as he was driving into the country. 
So he besought the people that he might have a 
guard from them: and indeed he had won himself 
reputation in his command of the army against the 
Megarians, when he had taken Nisaea and performed 
other great exploits. Thus deceived, the Athenian 
people gave him a chosen guard of citizens, of whom 
Pisistratus made not spearmen but clubmen : for the 
retinue that followed him bore wooden clubs. These 


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ovioi άμα ΥΙβισιστράτω εσγρν την άκροιτόΧιν. 
βνθα Βη 6 ΤΙείσίστρατος ηρχ^ ^Αθψ'αίων, οΰτ€ 
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κοσμεων καλώς re καΐ €v. 

60. Μβτα δβ ου ποΧλον χρόνον τώντο φρονί]- 
σαντβς οί τ€ του Μβγα/ίλεο? στασιώταί κα\ οΐ του 
Avfcovpyov έξέλαύνονσί μιν. ούτω μεν Πεισί- 
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άΧλήΧοίσί βστασίασαν. ττβρίέλαυνόμενος he ttj 
στάσι ο Μ6<γακ\6ης ίττεκηρυκεύετο Τίβισίστράτω, 
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του βαρβάρου eOveo^ το 'ΚλΧηνικον iov καΐ 
Βεξιώτερον καΐ βύηθείης ηλιθίου άιτηλλα^μίνον 
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Ίτρωτοίσι Xeyopevoiai elvai 'ΚΧΧηνων σοψίην 
μηχανώνταί τοιάύε. ev τω 8ήμω τω ΐίαιανιέί ην 
yυvη τη οΰνομα ην Φύη, μeyaθoς άττο τεσσίρων 
'πήχεων άττοΧειιτονσα τρεις δακτύλους καΐ άΧλως 
εύειΒής• ταύτην την yυvalκa σκευάσαντες ττανο- 
πλίη, ες άρμα εσβίβάσαντες καΐ ττρο^εξαντες 
σχήμα οΙόν τι έμελλε εύττρεττεστατον φανεεσθαι 
έχουσα, ηλαυνον ες το άστυ, ττροΖρομους κή- 
ρυκας ττροττεμψαντες' οΐ τα εντεταλμένα ηyόpευov 
άτΓίκομενοί ες το άστυ, λeyovτες τοιάΒε' "^fl 
'ΑθηναΊοι, Βεκεσθε άγ«^ω νόω ϊίεισίστρατον, τον 

Digitized by Microsoft® 

BOOK I. 59-60 

with Pisistnitus rose and took the Acropolis ; and 
I'isistratus ruled the Athenians^ disturbing in no way 
the order of offices nor changing the laws^ but 
governing the city according to its estabHshed 
constitution and ordering all things fairly and 

60. But after no long time the faction of Megacles 
and Lycurgus made common cause and drove him 
out. Thus did Pisistratus first win Atliens, and thus 
did he lose liis sovereignty, which was not yet firmly 
rooted. Presently his enemies who had driven him 
out began once more to be at feud together, 
Megacles then, being buffeted about by faction, 
sent a message to Pisistratus offering him his daugliter 
to wife and the sovereign power besides. This offer 
being acce})ted by Pisistratus, who agreed on tliest 
terms with Megacles, they devised a plan to bring 
Pisistratus back, which, to my mind, was so exceeding 
foolish that it is strange (seeing that from old times 
the Hellenic has ever been distinguished from the 
foreign stock by its greater cleverness and its freedom 
from silly foolishness) that these men should devise 
such a plan to deceive Athenians, said to be the cun- 
ningestof the Greeks. There was in the Paeanian 
deme ^ a woman called Phya, three fingers short of 
four cubits in stature, and for the rest fair to look 
upon. This woman they equipped in full armour, 
and put her in a chariot, giving her all such ap])uricn- 
ances as would make the seemliest show, and so 
drove into the city ; heralds ran before tliem, and 
when they came into the town made proclamation 
as they were charged, bidding the Athenians " to 
give a hearty welcome to Pisistratus, whom Athene 

* Local division of Attica; 


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αύτη ή *Αθηναίη τιμησασα ανθρώπων μάλιστα 
fcaTii'yet ες την €ωυτη<; άκρόπόλιν.^' ot μβν Βη 
ταύτα 8ίαφοίΤ€οντ€<ζ eXeyov* αντίκα Se e<? re τού? 
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είναι αύτην την θεον ττροσενγοντό τε την άν- 
θρωτΓον καΐ εΜκοντο ΤΙεισίστρατον. 

61. ^ΑποΧαβών Βε την τυραννίδα τρόπω τω 
είρημενω 6 ΤΙεισίστρατον κατά την ομοΧο^ίην την 
ττρον Μβγα/κλβα ^ενομενην ηαμεει του Με'γακΧεο'ζ 
την Θυγατέρα* οΙα δβ τταίΒων τε οι υτταργόντων 
νεηνιέων και Χε^ομίνων εναηεων είναι των ^ΑΧκ- 
μεωνώεων, ου βονΧόμενός οι ηενεσθαι εκ τή<ί 
νεο^άμου ^γυναικο^; τέκνα εμίσ^ετό οι ου κατά 
νομον» τα μεν νυν ττρώτα εκρυτττε ταύτα η ^υνη, 
μετά 8ε εϊτε ίστορεύση είτε καΐ ου φράζει τη 
εωντής μητρί, ή Be τω άνΒρί, opyfj Βε ώς εΐ'χε 
καταΧΧασσετο την ε'χθρην τοΐσι στασιώτησι. 
μαθών Βε 6 ΤΙεισίστρατον τα ττοιεύμενα εττ εωυτω 
άτταΧΧάσσετο εκ την χώρην το τταράτταν^ αττικό- 
μενον Βε ες ^Ερετριαν εβονΧενετο αμα τοισι τταισί. 
ΊτΓΤτίεω Βε ^νώμη νικήσαντος άνακτάσθαι οπίσω 
την τνραννίΒα, ενθαυτα η^ειρον Βωτίναν εκ των 
πόΧίων αϊτινέν σφι προαιΒέοντό κού τι, ποΧΧών 
Βε με^άΧα παρασυρόντων 'χρήματα, Θηβαίοι υπερε- 
βάΧοντο τη Βόσι των χρημάτων* μετά Βε, ου 
ποΧΧω λόγω ειπείν, χρόνον Βιεφυ καΐ πάντα σφι 
εξηρτυτο εν την κάτοΒον* και yap ^Apyεΐoι μισ- 
θωτοί άπίκοντο εκ ΤΙεΧοποννήσον, καΐ 1SI άξιον σφι 
άνηρ άπιyμεvov εθεΧοντήν, τω οΰνομα ην Λνγ- 
Βαμιν, προθυμίην πΧείστην παρείχετο, κόμισαν 
κ<χί χρήματα καΐ άνΒραν* 


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BOOK I. 60-61 

herself honoured beyond all men and was bringing 
back to her own citadel." So the heralds went about 
and spoke thus : immediately it was reported in the 
demes that Athene was bringing Pisistratus back, 
and the townsfolk^ persuaded that the woman was 
indeed the goddess, worshipped this human creature 
and welcomed Pisistratus. 

61. Having won back his sovereignty in the man- 
ner which I have shown, Pisistratus married Megacles* 
daughter according to his agreement with Megacles. 
But as he had already young sons, and the Alcmeonid 
family were said to be under a curse, he had no Avish 
that his newly wed wife should bear him children, 
and therefore had wrongful intercourse Λvith her. At 
first the woman hid the matter : presently she told 
her mother (whether being asked or not, I knoΛv not) 
and the mother told her husband. Megacles was 
very angry that Pisistratus should do him dishonour : 
and in his wrath he made up his quarrel Λvith the 
other faction. Pisistratus, learning what Avas afoot, 
went by himself altogether away from the country, 
and came to Eretria, where he took counsel with 
his sons. The counsel of Hippias prevailing, that 
they should recover the sovereignty, they set to 
collecting gifts from all cities which owed them some 
requital. Many of these gave great sums, the 
Thebans more than any, and in course of time, 
not to make a long story, all Λvas ready for their 
return : for they brought Argive mercenaries from 
Peloponnesus, and there came also of his own free 
will a man of Naxos called Lygdamis^ who was 
most zealous in their cause and brought them 
money and men. 


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62. Έ^ 'E/)€Tpt779 Be 6ρμηΘ€ΡΤ€<ζ Bia ενΒβκάτον 
ετ€ος άττίκοντο οττίσω, καΐ ττρώτον της ^ Αττικής 
ϊσγονσι ^ίαραθώνα. iv Be τούτω τώ γώρω σφι 
στρατο'π€θ£υομενοισι οι τε e/c τον αστβος στα- 
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άμφι ΥΙεισιστρατον, ώς ορμηθεντες εκ Μαραθώνος 
ηισαν επΙ το άστυ, ες τώυτο συνιόντες άττίκ- 
νεονταί επΙ ΤΙαΧΧηνίΒος Άθηναίης Ιρόν, καΐ άντία 
εθεντο τα οττΧα. ενθαΰτα θείτ} ΤΓομτΓτ} γ^ρεώ μένος 
Ίταρίσταται ΤΙεισιστράτω ^ ΑμφίΧυτος 6 ^Ακαρναν 
χρησμοΧό^ος άνηρ, ος οΐ ττροσιων χρα εν εξαμετρω 
τόνω TuBc Χε^ων 

'^'ΈρριτΓταο δ' 6 βόΧος, το Βε Βίκτυον εκττεπετασταί, 
θύννοι δ' οΐμησουσι σεΧηναίης Bta νυκτός^ 

63. 'Ό μεν Βη οί ενθεάζων χρα τάΒε, ΤΙεισί- 
στρατος Βε συΧΧαβων το χρηστήριον καϊ φας 
Βεκεσθαι το χρησθεν ειτη^ε την στρατιην. ^Αθη- 
ναίοι Βε οί εκ του άστεος ττρος άριστον τετραμ- 
μενοι ήσαν Βη τηνικαυτα, καϊ μετά το άριστον 
μετεξετεροι αυτών οι μεν ττρος κύβους οι Βε ττρος 
ΰττνον, οί Βε άμφΐ ΤΙεισίστρατον εσττεσόντες 
τους ^Αθηναίους τράττουσι, φευ^όντων Βε τούτων 
βουΧην ενθαΰτα σοφωτάτην ΐίεισιστρατος εττίτε- 

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BOOK I. 62-63 

62. So after ten years they set out from Eretria and 
returned home. The first place in Attica \vhich 
they took and held was Marathon : and while en- 
camped tliere they were joined by their partisans 
from the city, and by others w^ho flocked to them 
from the country demes — men who loved the rule of 
one more than freedom. These, then, assembled ; but 
the Athenians in the city, who, while Pisistratus was 
collecting money and afterwards Avhen he had taken 
Maratlion, made no account of it, did now, when 
they learnt that he was marching from Marathon 
against Athens, set out to attack him. They came 
out Λvith all their force to meet the returning exiles. 
Pisistratus' men, in their march from ^ίarathon 
towards the city, encountered the enemy when they 
had reached the temple of Pallenian Athene, and 
encamped face to face with them. There (by the 
providence of heaven) Pisistratus met Amphilytus 
the Acarnanian, a diviner, who came to him and 
prophesied as follows in hexameter verses : 

" Now hath the cast been thrown and the net of 
the fisher is outspiead : 
All in the moonlight clear shall the tunny-fish 
come for the taking." 

63. So spoke Amphilytus, being inspired ; Pisi- 
stratus understood him, and, saying that he received 
the prophecy, led his army against the enemy. The 
Athenians of the city had at this time gone to their 
breakfast, and after breakfast some betook themselves 
to dicing and some to sleep: they were attacked by 
Pisistratus' men and put to flight. So they fled, 
and Pisistratus devised a very subtle plan to keep 


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γναταί, οκω<; μήτ€ άΧισθεΐεν en οι ^Αθηναίοι 
ΒιεσκεΒασμβνοί τ€ elev αναβίβασα^; τους τταΖδα? 
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εκαστον εττΐ τα εωντου, 

64. ΥΙειθομενων δε των ^Αθηναίων, οΰτω Βη 
ΙΙεισίστρατος το τρίτον (τχων ^Αθήνας ερρίζωσε 
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μάτων avvoSoiaiy των μεν αύτόθεν των Βε άττο 
Χτρνμόνος ΤΓΟταμον συνιοντων, ομήρους τε των 
τταραμεινάντων ^Αθηναίων και μη αϋτίκα φυ^όν- 
των τταΐΒας Χαβων και καταστησας ες Νάξον 
(^καΐ yap ταντην ο ΐΐείσιστρατος κατεστρεψατο 
ΤΓοΧεμω καΐ εττέτρεψε Αυ^Βάμι)^ ττρός τε ετι 
τούτοισι την νήσον ΑήΧον καθηρας εκ των Χο<γίων, 
καθήρας Βε ώΒε* eV όσον εττοψις του Ιροΰ el^e, 
εκ τούτου του χώρου τταντος εξορύξας τους 
νεκρούς μετεφόρεε ες αΧΧον χωρον της ΑήΧου, 
καΐ Ιϊεισίστρατος μεν ετυράννευε ^ Αθηνεων^ ^Αθη- 
ναίων Βε οι μεν εν τ?) μάγ^ επετττώκεσαν, οι Βε 
αύτων μετ ^ ΑΧκμεωνιΒεων εφευ^ον εκ της οίκηίης. 

βδ. Του? μεν νυν Αθηναίους τοιαύτα τον χρό- 
νον τούτον εττυνθάνετο 6 Κροίσος κατέχοντα, τους 
Βε ΑακεΒαιμονίους εκ κακών τε με^άΧων ττεφευ- 
Ύοτας καΐ εόντας ηΒη τω ττοΧεμω κατυττερτερους 
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καΐ κακονομώτατοι ήσαν σχεΒον πάντων 'ΈΧΧη- 
νων κατά τε σφεας αυτούς καΧ ζείνοισι άττροσμι- 


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BOOK I. 63-65 

them scattered and prevent their assembling again : 
he mounted his sons and bade them ride forward : 
they overtook the fugitives and spoke to them as 
they vi^ere charged by Pisistratus, bidding them take 
heart and depart each man to his home. 

64. This the Athenians did ; and by this means 
Pisistratus gained Athens for the third time^ where, 
that his sovereignty might be well rooted, he made 
himself a strong guard and collected revenue both 
from Athens and from the district of the river 
Strymon, and took as hostages the sons of the Athen- 
ians who remained and did not at once leave the city, 
and placed these in Naxos. (He had conquered 
Naxos too and given it in charge to Lygdamis.) 
Moreover, he purified the island of Delos according 
to the bidding of the oracles, and this is how he did 
it : he removed all the dead that were buried in 
ground within sight of the temple and carried them 
to another part of Delos. So Pisistratus was 
sovereign of Athens : and as for the Athenians, some 
had fallen in the battle, and some, with the 
Alcmeonids, were exiles from their native land. 

65. Croesus learnt, then, that such at this time 
was the plight of the Athenians : the Lacedaemon- 
ians, as he heard, had escaped from great calamities, 
and had by this time got the upper hand of the 
men of Tegea in their Avar ; for in the kingship 
of Leon and Hegesicles at Sparta, the Lacedae- 
monians were victorious in their other wars, but 
against Tegea alone they met with no success. And 
not only so, but before this they were the worst 
governed of well nigh all the Greeks, having little 
intercourse among themselves or with strangers. 

VOL. T. ϋ 75 

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τΓοΧεμον έχοντα, ενωμοτίας και τριηκάΒας καΐ 
συσσίτια, ττρος τε τούτοισι τους εφόρους καΐ yi- 
ροντας έστησε Aυfcoΰpyoς. 

66. Οιίτω μεν μεταβαΧόντες εύνομηθησαν, τω 
Βε Aυκoύpyω τεΧευτησαντι Ιρον είσάμενοι σέβον- 
ται μεyάXως. οϊα Βε εν τε χώρτ/ ayaOfj καΐ ττΧη- 
θε'ί ουκ όXL•yωv άνΒρών, ανά τε εΒραμον αυτίκα καΐ 
εύθηνήθησαν, και Βη σφι ούκετι άττέχρα ησυχίην 
ayειv, άΧΧα καταφρονήσαντες ^ΑρκάΒων κρεσ- 
σονες είναι εχρηστηριάζοντο εν ΑεΧφοΐσι επΙ 
ττάστ) TTJ ΆρκάΒων χώρΐ]. ?) Βε Ώυθίη σφι χρά 

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BOOK 1. 55-66 

Thus then they changed their laws for the belter : — 
LycLirgus, a notable Spartan, visited the oracle at 
Delphi, and when he entered tlie temple hall, 
straightway the priestess gave him this response : 

"Dear to Zeus thou hast come to my Avell-stored 

temple, Lycurgus, 
Dear to Zeus and to all Avho dwell in the courts of 

Art thou a man or a god ? 'Tis a god 1 deem thee, 


Some say that the priestess moreover declared to 
him the whole governance of S])arta which is now 
established ; but the Lacedaemonians themselves 
relate that it was from Crete tliat Lycurgus brought 
these changes, he being then guardian of Leobotes 
his nephew, king of S})arta. As soon as he became 
guardian he changed all the laws of the country and 
was careful that none should transgress his ordi- 
nances, and afterwards it was Lycurgus Avho estab- 
lished all that related to war, the sworn comjianies, 
and the bands of thirty, and the common meals : 
and besides these, the ephors, and the council of 

ββ. So they changed their bad laws for good ones, 
and when Lycurgus died they built him a shrine 
and now greatly revere him. Then, since their land 
was good and their men were many, very soon they 
began to flourish and prosper. Nor Λvere they 
satisfied to remain at peace : but being assured that 
they Λvere stronger than the Arcadians, they inquired 
of the oracle at Delphi, with their minds set on the 
whole of Arcadia. The Pythian priestess gave them 
this reply : 


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** ^ΑρκαΒίην μ alrei^* μί^α μ αΐτβΐς' ου τοι δώσω. 
ττοΧΚοϊ €Ρ ^ΑρκαΒίτ] βαΚανηφά'^οι ανΒρ€<ζ eaaiv, 
οι σ άττοκώΧύσουσιν, εγώ δε τον ούτι μ€^αίρω* 
δώσω τοΰ Ύε<^εην ττοσσίκροτον ορχ^ησασθαι 
καΧ καλόν ττεΖίον σχ^οίνω ΒιαμετρησασθανΓ 

ταντα ώ? άτΓβνείχθέντα ηκονσαν οι ΑακεΒαομό- 
VLOLj ΆρκάΒων μεν των αΧΚων άττεί'χρνΎΟ, όΊ δε 
ττέΒας φερόμενοι εττϊ Ύε'γεητας εστρατενοντο, χρν~ 
σμω κιβ^ϊ^Χω πίσυνοί, ώ<ζ 8η εζαν^ραττοΖιούμενοι 
τον<; Ύεyεητaς, εσσωθεντες δε ry συμβοΧτ), όσοι 
αυτών εζω^ρήθησαν^ πεΒας τε έχοντες τας εφέ- 
ροντο αυτοί κ αϊ σχρίνω Βοαμετρησάμενοι το ττεΒίον 
το Ύε^εητεων ερ^άζοντο, αΐ δε πέ8αι αυταο εν 
ττισι εδεδεατο ετί και ε? εμε ήσαν σόαι εν Ύε^έτ), 
ττερί τον νηον της ^Α\έης ^Αθηναίης κρεμάμεναι, 

67. Κατά μεν Βη τον ττρότερον ττόΧεμον συνε- 
χεως αιεί κακώς άεθΧεον ττρος τους Ύε'γεήτας, 
κατά δε τον κατά Κροΐσον χρονον και την *Ανα- 
ξανΒριΒεώ τε καΐ ^Αρίστωνος βασιΧηΙην εν Αακε- 
Βαίμονι η8η οί Χτταρτιήται κατυπέρτεροι τω ττο- 
\έμω ε<γε<γονεσαν, τροττω τοιωΒε 'γενόμενοι. εττειΒη 
αΙεΙ τω ττοΧεμω εσσουντο υπ ο Ύε^εητεων, ττεμψαν- 
τες θεοτΓρότΓους ες ^εΧφούς επτειρώτων τίνα αν 
θεών Ιλασάμενοι κατύττερθε τω ττοΧέμω Ύε^εητεων 
^ενοίατο, η δε ΐΐυθίη σφι έχρησε τα ^Ορέστεω 
του ^Α>γαμεμνονος οστέα επ ay α<γο μένους, ώς δε 

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BOOK 1. 66-67 

"Askest Arcadia from me? *Tis a boon too great 

for the giving. 
Many Arcadians there are, stout heroes, eaters of 

acorns, — 
These shall hinder thee sore. Yet 'tis not I that 

begrudge thee : 
Lands Tegeaean Γ11 give thee, to smite Avith feet in 

the dancing. 
Also the fertile plain with line I'll give thee to 


When this was brought back to the ears of the 
Lacedaemonians, they let the rest of the Arcadians be, 
and marched against the men of Tegea carrying 
fetters with them ; for they trusted in the quibbling 
oracle and thought they would enslave the Tegeans. 
But they were worsted in the encounter, and those 
of them who were taken captive were made to till 
the Tegean plain, Λvearing the fetters which they 
themselves had brought and measuring the land with 
a line.^ These fetters, in which they were bound, 
were still in my time kept safe at Tegea, where they 
were hung round the temple of Athene Alea. 

67. In tlie former war, then, the Lacedaemonians 
were unceasingly defeated in their contest with Tegea; 
but in the time of Croesus, and the kingship of 
Anaxandrides and Ariston at Sparta, the Spartans 
had now gained the upper hand ; and this is how it 
came about. Being always worsted by the Tegeatae, 
they sent inquirers to Delphi and asked what god 
they should propitiate so as to gain the mastery over 
Tegea in war. The Pythian priestess declared that 
they must bring home the bones of Orestes son of 
Agamemnon. Being unable to discover Orestes' 
* That is, mapping the land out for cultivation. 


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avevpelv ουκ οΙοί re iyivovro την θήκην του Ope- 
στ€ω, βττβμττον αυτι^ί την e? θεον εττβίρησομένου'; 
τον χώρον εν τω κέοίτο ^Ορβστη<;. είρωτώσί δβ 
ταϋτα τοίσι ββΟΊτρόττοισί XeyeL ή ΤΙυθίη τάδε. 

**'Έστί Ti9 ^Κρκα^ίη<ζ Ύε^εη Χβυρω ivl χ<όρω, 
ενθ^ άνεμοι ττνείουσί 8ύω κρατερής υττ' ανά^κη<^^ 
καΐ τύτΓος αντίτυπο^;, καΐ ττήμ εττϊ ττήματι 

εΐ'θ' ''A.ya μεμνονίΒην κατέχει φυσίζοος αία, 
τον συ κομισσάμενο^Ύε^εης εττιταρροθος εσστ].'' 

ώ? δε καϊ ταύτα ηκονσαν οι Αακε^αιμόνιοι, άττεΐ- 
χον της εξευρεσιος ού^εν εΧασσον, πάντα 8ιζη- 
μενοι, ες ου Βη Αίχης των ά^αθοερ^ων καΧεομε- 
νων Έ,τταρτιητεων άνευρε, οι δε ά'γαθοερ'γοί είσΐ 
των aaTCuVy εξιόντες εκ των Ιτητεων αΐεΐ οί 
ττρεσβύτατοι, ττεντε ετεος εκάστου' τους 8εΐ τού- 
τον τον ενιαυτον, τον αν εξιωσι εκ των ίπττεων, 
Έ^τταρτιητεων τω κοινω ΒιαττεμτΓομενους μη εΧινύειν 
άΧΧους άΧΧη. 

QS, Τούτων ων των άντρων Αίχης άνευρε εν 
Τε^εη καϊ συντυχίτ) χρησάμενος καϊ σοφίη. εού- 
σης yap τούτον τον χρονον εττιμιξίης ττρος τους 
Ύεyεήτaς, εΧθων ες χαΧκήιον εθηεϊτο σί8η~ 
ρον εξεΧαυνομενον, καϊ εν θώματι ην ορέων το 
ΤΓοιεομενον. μαθών 8ε μιν 6 χαΧκευς άττοθωμάζοντα 
ειττε ττανσαμενος του εpyoυ "Ή κου αν, ώ ξεΐνε 
Α άκων, εϊ ττερ εΙΒες το ττερ εyώ, κάρτα αν εθώ- 

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BOOK 1. 67-68 

tomb, they sent their messengers again to the god ^ 
to ask of the place Λvhere Orestes lay: and the 
priestess said in answer to their question : 

"There is a place, Tegee, in the level plain of 

Where by stark stress driven twain Avinds are evOr 

Shock makes answer to shock, and anguish is laid 

upon anguish. 
There in the nourishing earth Agamemnon's son 

lieth buried : 
Bring him, and so thou shalt be the lord of the 

land of thy foemen." 

When the Lacedaemonians heard this too, they 
were no nearer finding Λvhat they sought, though 
they made search everywhere, till at last Lichas, one 
of the Spartans who are called Benefactors, dis- 
covered it. These Benefactors are the Spartan citi- 
zens who pass out of the ranks of the knights, the 
five oldest in each year ; for the year in which they 
pass out from the knights they are sent on divers 
errands by the Spartan state, and must use all 

68. Lichas, then, one of these men, by good luck 
and cleverness found the tomb at Tegea. At that 
time there Avas free intercourse with Tegea ; so, 
entering a smithy, he Λvatched the forging of iron 
and marvelled at the work which he saw. W^ien the 
smith perceived that he Avas much astonished, he 
ceased from working, and said, " Laconian, you won- 
der at the working of iron, but had you seen what 

^ tV is deov, explained as = την is Behv &d6v, την ίνθ^ον 
{— the inspired one : after iicap^ao^ivovs) would be an easy 
correction. But all MSS, have is θίόν. 


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μαζβ<;, οκου νυν οντω τν<γχάν6ΐ<; Θωμά ποΐ€ύμ€νο<; 
την ζρ^ασίην του σιδήρου, iyco yap iv TrjBe θέ- 
\ων Trj auXfj φρέαρ ττοίησασθαι, ορνσσων εττί- 
τυχόν σορω επταπηχβϊ* ύπο Be άπΰστίης μη μβν 
γενέσθαι μηΒαμα μ^ζονας άνθρώττους των νυν 
άνοιξα αύτην καϊ elhov τον νβκρον μηκεΐ ϊσον 
βόντα τη σορω' μέτρησα^; Be συνέχωσα οπίσω" 
ο μβν Βή οι eXeye τά irep οττώττεε, ο Be €ννώσα<: τα 
Xeyόμ6va συνεβάΧΚετο τον ^Ορεστεα κατά το 
θεοπρότΓίον τούτον elvaiy τηΒε συμβαΧΚόμενο^* 
του ΎαΧκβος Βύο ορέων φύσας τού? άνεμους εΰ- 
ρισκε εοντα<ζ, τον οε άκμονα και την σψυραν τον 
τε τύτΓον καϊ τον άντίτυπον, τον Βε εξεΧαυνόμενον 
σίΒηρον το ττήμα εττΐ ττηματί κείμενον, κατά τοι- 
όνΒε τι εΐκάζων^ ώς εττΐ κακω άνθρώττου σίΒηρος 
άνευρηται. συμβαΧόμενος Βε ταύτα καΐ άττεΧθων 
ες ^ττάρτην έφραζε ΑακεΒαιμονίοισι ττάν το ιτρη- 
yμa, οΊ Βε εκ Xόyoυ ττΧαστον εττενείκαντες οι 
αΐτίην εΒίωξαν. ο Βε άπικόμενο<; 69 Ύεyέηv καϊ 
φράζων την εωυτοΰ συμφορην προς τον χαΧκέα 
εμισθοΰτο παρ" ουκ εκΒιΒόντος την αύΧην χρόνω 
Βε ώς άι^εyvωσε, ενοικισθη^ άνορύξας Βε τον τάφον 
καϊ τα οστεα συΧΧεξας οϊχετο φέρων ες Χπάρτην, 
καΐ άπο τούτου του χρόνου j οκως πειρωατο άΧΧη- 
Χων, ποΧΧω κατυπερτεροι τω ποΧεμω iylvovTO οΐ 
ΚακεΒαιμόνιοι* ηΒη Βε σφι και ή ποΧΧη της 
ΏεΧοποννίίσου ην κατεστραμμένη, 

69. Ύαυτα Βη ων πάντα πυνθανόμενος 6 Κροΐ- 
σος έπεμπε ες ^πάρτην άyyεXoυς Βώρά τ ε φέ- 
ροντας καϊ Βεησομένους συμμαχίης, εντειΧάμενός 
τε τά \eyείv χρήν, οΐ Βε εΧθόντες eXeyov ""Εττε/χ- 
ψε ήμεας Κροίσος 6 ΑυΒών τε καϊ άΧΧων εθνέων 


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BOOK 1. 68-69 

I have seen you would have indeed had somewhat to 
marvel at. For I was making me a well in this 
courtyard, when in my digging I chanced upon a 
coffin seven cubits long. As I could not believe that 
there had ever been men taller than those of our time, 
I opened the coffin, and found within it the corpse 
as long as itself; I measured it, and buried it in 
earth again." So the smith told what he had seen ; 
Lichas marked what he said, and argued from the 
oracle that this must be Orestes, reasoning that the 
Smith's two bellows which he saw were the winds, the 
anvil and hammer the shock and counter-shock, and the 
forged iron the anguish laid upon anguish. What led 
him so to guess was that the discovery of iron has been 
to men's hurt. Thus he reasoned, and returning to 
Sparta told all the matter to the Lacedaemonians. 
They made pretence of bringing a charge against him 
and banishing him ; so he went to Tegea, where he 
told the smith of his misfortune, and tried to hire 
the courtyard from him. The smith would not con- 
sent, but at last Lichas over-persuaded him, and 
taking up his abode there, opened the tomb and 
collected the bones and went away with them to 
Sparta. Ever after this time the Lacedaemonians 
got much the better of the men of Tegea in all their 
battles ; and they had already subdued the greater 
part of the Peloponnesus. 

69. Croesus, then, being made aware of all this 
sent messengers to Sparta with gifts, to ask an alli- 
ance in words with which he charged them. They 
came, and said : " Croesus, King of Lydia and other 

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βασί\€ν<;, λεγωι^ τάδε. Ώ ΑακεΒαίμόνωι, χρη- 
σαντος τον θεού τον "ΚλΧηνα φίΧον ττροσθέσθαι, 
νμέα^ yap ττυνθάνομ,αι προεστάναί τή<; Έλλάδο?, 
νμέα^ ων κατά το χρηστηριον ττροσκαΧεομαι 
φίΧος τ€ βέλων yeveaOai καϊ σύμμαχο^; άνευ τβ 
hoKov καΧ άττάτη^." Κροίσος μεν Srj ταύτα 8ί 
ά^^ίΧων ετΓβκηρυκεύετο, ΑακεΒαιμόνιοί Be άκη- 
κοότ€<; καϊ αντοί το θεοττρόπιον το Κροίσω yevo- 
μενον ήσθησάν τ€ Ttj άπίξι των ΑυΒών καϊ εττοιή- 
σαντο ορκια ξεινίης ττερι καϊ συμμαχίης* καϊ yap 
τίνες αυτούς eύεpyεσίaL είγον εκ Κροίσου ττροτερον 
ετί yeyovvlai, ττεμψαντες yap οΐ ΑακεΒαιμόνιοι 
ες %άρΒίς χρυσον ώνέοντο, ες aya\μa βουΧόμενοί 
χρήσασθαι τοΰτο το νυν της Αακωνικής εν %όρ- 
νακί ΪΒρυται ^ΑττόΧΧωνος* Κροίσος Βε σφι ώνεο- 
μενοισι εΒωκε Βωτίνην, 

70. Τούτων τε ων εΊνεκεν οι ΑακεΒαιμόνιοι την 
συμμαγίην εΒεξαντο, καϊ οτι εκ ττάντων σφεας 
ττροκρονας ΈΐΧΧηνων αιρεετο φιΧους. και τούτο 
μεν αύτοΙ ήσαν έτοιμοι eirayyeiXavTL•, τούτο Be 
Ίτοιησάμενοί κρητήρα γάΧκεον ζωΒίων τ€ έξωθεν 
ττΧησαντες ττερϊ το χεΐΧος καϊ μeyάθεϊ τριηκοσί- 
ους αμφορέας γω ρέοντα rjyov, Βώρον βουΧόμενοι 
άντιΒούναι Κροίσω, οντος 6 κρητηρ ουκ άττίκετο 
ες ^άρΒις Βι^ αίτιας Βιφασίας Xεyoμεvaς τάσΒε' οΐ 
μεν ΑακεΒαιμόνιοι XέyoυσL ώς εττείτε άyόμevoς 
ες τας ΧάρΒις 6 κρητηρ εyίvετo κατά την %αμίην^ 
ττυθόμενοι Έ^άμιοί άττεΧοίατο αύτον νηυσΧ μακρ^σι 
ετπΊτΧωσαντες' αύτοΙ Βε Χάμιοί Xέyoυσc ώς εττείτε 
υστέρησαν οΐ άyovτες των ΑακεΒαομονίων τον 
κρητήρα, εττυνθάνοντο Βε ^άρΒις τε καϊ Κροΐσον 
ηΧωκεναι, άττεΒοντο τον κρητήρα εν ^άμω, ΙΒιώτας 

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BOOK I. 69-70 

nations, has sent us witli this message : ^ Lacedae- 
monians ! the god has declared that I sliould make 
the Greek my friend ; now, tlierefore, as I learn that 
you are the leaders of Hellas, I do so invite you, as 
the oracle bids; I ΛνουΜ fain be your friend and ally, 
without deceit or guile.' " Thus Croesus proposed by 
the mouth of his messengers : and the Lacedaemon- 
ians, who had already heard of the oracle given to 
Croesus, welcomed the coming of the Lydians and 
swore to be his friends and allies ; and indeed they 
were bound by certain benefits which they had before 
received from the king. For the Lacedaemonians 
had sent to Sardis to buy gold, with intent to use 
it for the statue of Apollo which ηοΛν stands on 
Thornax^ in Laconia ; and Croesus, when they would 
buy it, made a free gift of it to them, 

70. For this cause, and because he had chosen 
them as his friends before all other Greeks, the 
Lacedaemonians accepted the alliance. So they de- 
clared themselves ready to serve him when he should 
require, and moreover they made a bowl of bronze, 
graven outside round the rim with figures, and large 
enough to hold twenty-seven hundred gallons, and 
brought it with the intent to make a gift of re- 
quital to Croesus. This buwl never came to Sardis, 
and for this two reasons are given : the Lacedaemon- 
ians say that when the bowl was near Samos on its 
way to Sardis, the Samians descended upon them in 
warships and carried it off; but the Samians themselves 
say that the Lacedaemonians who were bringing the 
bowl, being too late, and learning that Sardis and 
Croesus were taken, sold it in Samos to certain private 

^ A mountain north-east of Sparta, overlooking the 
Eurotas valley. 

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Se άν^ρα<ζ ττρίαμένους avaOelvai μίΡ €9 το '^Hpaiov. 
τάγα he αν καί οΐ άττοΖόμενοι XiyoLCP άττίκόμενοί 
€9 Ι,Ίτάρτην ώ? άτταιρεθβίτισαν νττο Έ,αμίων* κατά 
μέν νυν τον κρητήρα οντω βσχβ. 

71. Ίζ.ροΐσο<ζ δε άμαρτών τον 'χρησμού iiroieeTO 
στρατηίηρ €9 ΚατΓΤταΒοκίην, βΧττίσας καταιρήσειν 
Ιίνρόν τ€ καϊ την Τίερσέων Βύναμιν. ιταρασκευα- 
ζο μενού Be Κροίσου στρατεύεσθαι irrl ΐΐέρσα^;, 
των Τί9 Λυδώϊ^ νομίζόμενος καϊ ιτροσθβ elvai 
σοφός, άτΓο Be ταντη<ζ της <γνώμης και το κάρτα 
οΰνομα iv ΑνΒοΐσι eycov, σννεβούΧευσε Κροίσω 
τάΒβ' οΰνομα οι ην ΖάνΒανις. **'ί1 βασίλεν, eV* 
άνΒρας τοιούτους στρατεύεσθαυ τταρασκενάζεαί, 
οΐ σκυτίνας μεν άναξνρΊΒας σκυτίνην Be την αΧΚην 
εσθητα φορεουσί, συτεονται Βε ουκ οσα εθέΧουσι 
αλλ' οσα εχονσί, γώρην έχοντες τρηχεαν. προς 
Βε ουκ οϊνω Βιανοέωνταί άΧλα ύΒροττοτεουσι, ου 
σύκα οε εχουσι τρω^γειν, ουκ αΧλο ajaUov ουοεν, 
τούτο μεν Βη, εΐ νικήσευς, τί σφεας άτταιρησεαί^ 
τοΐσί <γε μη εστί μηΒεν; τούτο Be, ην νικηθγις, 
μάθε οσα α^αθα αιτοβαΚεεις' ^^^^νσάμενοι ηαρ 
των ημέτερων άβαθων ττεριεξονται ούΒε αττωστοί 
έσονται, ε'γω μεν νυν θεοΐσι εχω χάριν, o'c ουκ 
εττϊ νόον ΤΓΟίεουσι ΥΙέρσησυ στρατεύεσθαι επΙ 
ΑνΒούς,^^ ταύτα \ε<γων ουκ εττειθε τον Κ,ροΐσον, 
Υίερστ}σι "yap, ττρίν ΑυΒούς καταστρεψασθαι, ην 
ούτε άβρον ούτε ayaOov ούΒεν. 

72. 01 Βε ΚατΓΤταΒόκαι νττο ^ΚΧΧηνων Ί^ύριοι 
ονομάζονται' ήσαν Βε οι ούριοι ούτοι το μεν 
ττρότερον η ΐΐέρσας αρξαι Μ,ηΒων κατήκοοι, τότε 
Βε Κύρου, 6 ycio ούρος ην της τε Μ,ηΒικής αρχής 


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BOOK I. 70-72 

men, who set it up in the the temple of Here. And 
it may be that the sellers of the bowl_, when they re- 
turned to Sparta, said that they had been robbed of 
it by the Samians. Such are the tales about the 

71. Croesus, mistaking the meaning of the oracle, 
invaded Cappadocia, thinking to destroy Cyrus and 
the Persian power. But while he was preparing to 
march against the Persians, a certain Lydian, Λνΐιο 
was already held to be a wise man, and from the ad- 
vice which he now gave w^on great renown among 
the Lydians, thus counselled him (his name was 
Sandanis) : " Ο King, you are making ready to march 
against men who wear breeches of leather and their 
other garments of the same, and whose fare is not 
what they desire but what they have ; for their land 
is stony. Further they use no wine, but are Λvater- 
drinkers, nor have they figs to eat, nor aught else 
that is good. Now if you conquer them, of Λvhat 
will you deprive them, seeing that they have nothing ? 
But if on the other hand you are conquered, then see 
how many good things you will lose ; for once they 
have tasted of our blessings they will cling so close 
to them that nothing Λνϋΐ thrust them away. For 
myself, then, I thank the gods that they do not 
put it in the hearts of the Persians to march 
against the Lydians." Thus spoke Sandanis ; for 
the Persians, before they subdued the Lydians, had 
no luxury and no comforts ; but he did not move 

72. Now the Cappadocians are called by the 
Greeks Syrians, and these Syrians before the Per- 
sian rule were subjects of the Medes, and, at this 
time, of Cyrus. For the boundary of the Median 


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avhpl ττεντε ημεραι άναισιμοΰνται. 

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^οκίην τών8ε εινεκα, καΐ ψ]ς ι με ρω ττροσκτησασθαί 
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α^ρην και αιει τί φερόντων, και κοτε συνηνεικε 
εΧεΐν σφεας μη^εν νοστήσαντας 8ε αυτούς κεινγσι 

* TTts *Ασίη5 rh κάτα. means here and elsewhere in Hdt. the 
westrrn part of Asia, west of the Halys (Ki^il Irmak). The 


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BOOK I. 72-73 

Hnd Lydian empires Avas tiie river Halys ; which 
floAvs from the Armenian mountains first through 
CiHcia and after\vards between the Matieni on the 
right and the Phrygians on the other hand ; then 
passing these and f1o\ving still northwards it separates 
the Cappadocian Syrians on the right from the Paph- 
lagonians on the left. Thus the Halys river cuts 
off wellnigh the \vhole of the lower part of Asia, 
from the Cyprian to the Euxine sea. Here is the 
narrowest neck of all this land ; the length of the 
journey across is five days, for a man going un- 

73. The reasons of Croesus' expedition against 
Cappadocia were these : he desired to gain territory 
in addition to his own share, and (these were the chief 
causes) he trusted the oracle, and wished to avenge 
Astyages on Cyrus ; for Cyrus, son of Cambyses, had 
subdued Astyages and held him in subjection. 
Now Astyages, king of Media, son of Cyaxares, was 
Croesus' brother-in-laAv : and this is ΙιΟΛν he came to 
be so. A tribe of wandering Scythians separated 
itself from the rest, and escaped into Median terri- 
tory. This was then ruled by Cyaxares, son of 
Phraortes, son of Deioces. Cyaxares at first treated 
the Scythians kindly, as being suppliants for his 
mercy ; and as he held them in high regard he en- 
trusted boys to their charge to be taught their 
language and the craft of archery. As time Avent 
on, it chanced that the Scythians, who were wont to 
go hunting and ever to bring something back, once 
had taken nothing, and Λν1ΐ6η they returned 

width from sea to sea of the αυχην is obviously much under 
estimated by Hdt., as also by later writers ; the actual dis- 
tance at the narrowest part is about 280 miles as the crow 
flies ; much more than a five days' march, 


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εσεσθαι, ούρον ττροΘεμενος ενιαυτον τούτον εν τω 
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εσττευσαν καϊ αμφότεροι είρήνην εωυτοίσι yεvεσθai, 

^ All evidence, historical and astronomical, fixes the date 
of this eclipse as May 28, 585 B.C. There was another eclipse 
of the sun in Alyattes' reign, on Sept. 30, 610 ; but it appears 


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BOOK I. 73-74 

empty-handed, Cyaxares (being, as hereby appeared, 
prone to anger) treated them very roughly and 
despitefully. The Scythians, deeming themselves 
wronged by the usage they had from Cyaxares, plot- 
ted to take one of the boys who were their pupils 
and cut him in pieces, then, dressing the flesh as 
they were wont to dress the animals which they 
killed, to bring and give it to Cyaxares as if it were 
the spoils of the chase ; and after that, to make their 
way with all speed to Alyattes son of Sadyattes at 
Sardis, All this they did. Cyaxares and the guests 
who feasted with him ate of the boy's flesh, and the 
Scythians, having done as they planned, fled to 
Alyattes for protection. 

74. After this, seeing that Alyattes would not give 
up the Scythians to Cyaxares at his demand, there was 
war between the Lydians and the Medes for five 
years; each won many victories over the other, and 
once they fought a battle by night. They were still 
warring with equal success, when it chianced, at an en- 
counter which happened in the sixth year , that during 
the battle the day was suddenly turned to night. 
Thales of Miletus had foretold this loss of daylight to 
the lonians, fixing it within the year in which the 
change did indeed happen.^ So when the Lydians 
and Medes saw the day turned to night they ceased 
from fighting, and both were the more zealous to make 

that this latter was not total in Asia Minor : and Pliny's 
mention of the phenomenon places it in the 170th year from 
the foundation of Rome. Thales died at an advanced age 
in 548 B.C. 

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€ωυτοΰ μητροττάτορα κατάστρεψα μβνος έσχβ δ// 
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BOOK I. 74-75 

peace. Those who reconciled them were Syennesis 
the Cihcian and Labynetus the Babylonian ; they it 
was who brought it about that there should be a 
sworn agreement and an exchange of wedlock be- 
tween them : they adjudged that Alyattes should give 
his daughter Aryenis to Astyages, son of Cyaxares ; 
for without a strong bond agreements wiW not keep 
their strength. These nations make sworn compacts 
as do the Greeks ; moreover, they cut the skin of 
their arms and lick each other's blood. 

75. This Astyages then was Cyrus' mother's father, 
and Λvas by him subdued and held subject for the 
reason which I shall presently declare. Having this 
cause of quarrel with Cyrus, Croesus sent to ask the 
oracles if he should march against the Persians ; and 
when a quibbling answer came he thought it to be 
favourable to him, and so led his army to the Persian 
territory. When he came to the river Halys, he trans- 
ported his army across it, — by the bridges, as I hold, 
which then were there ; but the general belief of the 
Greeks is that the army was C£ /ried across by Thales of 
Miletus, This is the story : As the bridges aforesaid 
did not then yet exist, Croesus knew not how his 
army should pass the river : then Thales, being in 
the encampment, made the river, which flowed on 
the left hand, flow also on the right of the army in 
the following way. Starting from a point on the river 
higher up than the camp, he dug a deep semicircular 
trench, so that the stream, turned from its ancient 
course, should flow in the trench to the rear of the 


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ρατο σφεας αττο Υίροίσου άπιστάναι» 'Ίωνες μεν 
νυν ουκ εττείθοντο' Κνρος Βε ως άττίκετο καΐ 
άντεστρατοττεΒεύσατο Κροίσω, ενθαυτα εν ττ) 
Ιΐτερίτ) χώρτ] επειρώντο κατα το Ισχυρον άΧλή- 
λων, μάχης Βε καρτερής yεvoμεvης καΐ ττεσόντων 
αμφοτέρων ττοΧλών, τεΧος ούΒετεροι νικήσαντες 
Βιεστησαν νυκτός εττεΧθούσης, καΐ τα μενστρατό- 
ττεΒα αμφότερα οΰτω ήyωvίσaτo, 

77. Κροίσος Βε μεμφθείς κατα το ττΧήθος το 
εωυτοΰ στράτευμα (rjvydp οι 6 συμβαΧων στρατός 
ποΧΧον εΧασσων η ο Κύρου), τούτο μεμφθείς, ως 

1 [τί)] Stein. 

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BOOK I. 75-77 

camp, and, again passing it, should issue into its 
former bed, so that, as soon as the river was thus 
divided into two, both channels could be forded» 
Some even say that the ancient channel was al- 
together dried up. But I do not believe this ; for 
how then did they pass the river when they were 
returning ? 

76. Croesus then passing over with his army came 
to the part of Cappadocia called Pteria (it is the 
strongest part of this country and lies nearest to the 
city of Sinope on the Euxine sea), where he encamped, 
and laid waste the farms of the Syrians ; and he took 
and enslaved the city of the Pterians, and took also 
all the places about it, and drove the Syrians from 
their homes, though they had done him no harm- 
Cyrus, mustering his army, and gathering to him all 
those who dwelt upon his way, went to meet Croesus. 
But before beginning his march he sent heralds to 
the lonians to try to draw them away from Croesus. 
The lonians would not be persuaded ; but when 
Cyrus had come, and encamped face to face with 
Croesus, the armies made trial of each other's 
strength with might and main in the Pterian country. 
The battle was stubborn ; many on both sides fell, 
and when they were parted at nightfall neither had 
the advantage. With such fortune did the two 
armies contend. 

77. Croesus was not content with the number of 
his force, for his army which had fought was by far 
smaller than that of Cyrus ; therefore, seeing that on 


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εττΐ 'ϊ,άρΒις, 

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παν οφιων ενεπΧήσθη' φανεντων δε αυτών, οι 
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κατήσθιον. ΙΒόντι δε τοΰτο Κροίσω, ώσπερ καϊ 
ην, ε8οξε τέρας είναι- αύτίκα δε έπεμπε Θεοπρο- 
πους ες τών εξηyητέωv ΎεΧμησσεων. άπικομε- 
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νετό Κροίσω άπayyεTXaL' πρΙν yap ή οπίσω 

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BOOK 1. 77-78 

the day after the battle Cyrus essayed no second 
attack, he marched away to Sardis, intending to invite 
help from the Egyptians in fulfilment of their pledge 
(for before making an alliance with the Lacedaemon- 
ians he had made one also with Amasis king of Egypt), 
and to send for the Babylonians also (for with these 
too he had made an alliance, Labynetus being at this 
time their sovereign), and to summon the Lacedae- 
monians to join him at a fixed time. It was in his 
mind to muster all these forces and assemble his own 
army, then to wait till the Avinter was over and march 
against the Persians at the beginning of spring. 
With such intent, as soon as he returned to Sardis, 
he sent heralds to all his allies, summoning them to 
assemble at Sardis in five months' time ; and as for 
the soldiers whom he had with him, who had fought 
with the Persians, all of them who were not of his 
nation he disbanded, never thinking that after so 
equal an issue of the contest Cyrus \vould march 
against Sardis. 

78, Thus Croesus reasoned. Meantime it chanced 
that snakes began to swarm in the outer part of the 
city ; and when they appeared the horses would ever 
leave their accustomed pasture and devour them. 
When Croesus saw this bethought it to be a portent, 
and so it was. ForthAvith he sent to the abodes of the 
Telmessian interpreters,^ to inquire concerning it ; 
but though his messengers came and learnt from the 
Telmessians what the portent should signify, they 
could never bring back word to Croesus, for he was 

^ These were a caste of priests of Apollo at Telmessus or 
Teltnissus in Lycia. των ^^η^-ητ^ων Ύ^Κμ-ησσ^ων is contrary 
to Greek usage, ί'Ιηγ. being a substantive : Stein suggests 
that the true reading may be Ύ^λμησσ^ων των ^^η'^τιτίων. 

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κω εΙΒότες των ην ττερί XapBt<; τε καϊ αύτον 

79. Κΰρος Be αντίκα άπεΧαύνοντος Κροίσου 
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καϊ αύτοΙ ήσαν ΙτΓττεύεσθαι άβαθοι, 

80. Έ? το ττεΒίον Βε συνεΧθόντων τοΰτο το ττρο 
του άστεος εστί του ΧαρΒιηνοΰ, εον με^α τε καϊ 
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τΓοΧιν), ενθαύτα 6 Κύρος ώς εΙΒε τους ΑυΒούς ες 

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BOOK I. 78-80 

a prisoner before they could make their voyage back 
to Sardis. Howbeit^ this was the judgment of the 
Telmessians — that Croesus must expect a foreign 
army to attack his country, and that when it came it 
would subdue the dwellers in the land : for the snake, 
they said, was the child of the earth, but the horse 
was a foe and a foreigner. Such was the answer 
which the Telmessians gave Croesus, knowing as yet 
nothing of the fate of Sardis and the king himself; 
but when they gave it Croesus was already taken. 

79. When Croesus marched away after the battle 
in the Pterian country, Cyrus, learning that Croesus 
had gone with intent to disband his army, took coun- 
sel and perceived thereby that it was his business to 
march with all speed against Sardis, before the power 
of the Lydians could again be assembled. So he re- 
solved and so he did speedily ; he marched his army 
into Lydia and so himself came to bring the news of 
it to Croesus. All had turned out contrariwise to 
Croesus' expectation, and he was in a great quandary; 
nevertheless, he led out the Lydians to battle. Now 
at this time there was no nation in Asia more valiant 
or warlike than the Lydian. It was their custom to 
fight on horseback, carrying long spears, and they 
were skilled in the management of horses. 

80. So the armies met in the plain, wide and bare, 
which is before the city of Sardis: the Hyllusand other 
rivers flow across it and rush violently together into 
the greatest of them, which is called Hermus (this 
flows from the mountain sacred to the Mother Dindy- 
mene ^ and issues into the sea near the city of Pho- 
caea). Here when Cyrus saw the Lydians arraying 

^ Identified with the Phrygian and Lydian goddess 


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ΑνΒοϊ το ενθεΰτεν ΒειΧοΙ ήσαν, αλλ' ώς εμαθον το 
^ονόμενον, άττοΘορόντες άττο των ϊττττων ττεζοί 
τοίσι ΥΙερσγσι σννεβαΧΧον. 'χ^ρόνω δε ττεσόντων 
αμφοτέρων ττοΧΧών ετράττοντο οΐ ΑυΒοί, κατειΧη- 
Θέντες δε ες το τείχος εττοΧίορκέοντο ύττο των 

81. Ύοΐσι μεν Βη κατεστήκεε ττοΧιορκίη. Κροί- 
σος δε ΒοκΙων οΙ χρόνυν εττΐ μακρόν εσεσθαι την 


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BOOK I. 8o-8i 

their battle, lie was afraid of their horse^ and there- 
fore did as 1 will show by the counsel of one Har- 
pagus, a Mede. Assembling all the camels that 
followed his army bearing food and baggage, he took 
off their burdens and set men upon them equipped 
like cavalrymen ; having so equipped them he 
ordered them to advance before his army against 
Croesus' horse ; he charged the infantry to follow 
the camels, and set all his horse behind the infantry. 
When they were all arrayed, he commanded them to 
kill all other Lydians who came in their Avay, and 
spare none, but not to kill Croesus himself, even if he 
should defend himself against ca})ture. Such Avas his 
command. The reason of liis posting the camels to 
face the cavalry was this : horses fear camels and can 
endure neither the sight nor the smell of them ; this 
then was the intent of his device, that Croesus' 
cavalry, on Avhich the Lydian relied for the winning 
of some glory, might be of no use. So Avhen battle 
was joined, as soon as the horses smelt and saw the 
camels they turned to flight, and all Croesus' hope 
was lost. Nevertheless the Lydians were no cowards; 
when they saw what was happening they leaped from 
their horses and fought the Persians on foot. Many 
of both armies fell ; at length the Lydians ivere 
routed and driven within their city wall, Λvhere they 
were besieged by the Persians. 

8L So then they were beleaguered. But Croesus, 
supposing that the siege would last a long time^ sent 


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BOOK I. 81-82 

messengers a^ain from the city to his allies; ΛvheΓeas 
the former envoys had been sent to summon them to 
muster at Sardis in five months' time, these were to 
announce that Croesus was besieged and to entreat 
help with all speed. 

82. So he sent to the Lacedaemonians as well as 
the rest of the allies. Now at this very time the 
Spartans themselves had a feud on hand with the 
Argives, in respect of the country called Thyrea ; 
for this was a part of the Argive territory Avhich the 
Lacedaemonians had cut off and occupied. (All the 
land towards the west, as far as Malea, belonged then 
to the Argives, and not the mainland only, but the 
island of Cythera and the other islands.) The Argives 
came out to save their territory from being cut off; 
then after debate the two armies agreed that three 
hundred of each side should fight, and whichever 
party won should possess the land. The rest of each 
army λυάβ to go away to its ΟΛνη country and not be 
present at the battle ; for it was feared that if the 
armies remained on the field, the men of either party 
would render help to their comrades if they saw 
them losing. Having thus agreed, the armies drew 
ofT, and picked men of each side Λvere left and fought. 
Neither could gain advantage in the battle ; at last, of 
six hundred there were left only three, Alcenor and 
Chromios of the Argives, Othryades of the Lacedae- 
monians : these three were left alive at nightfall. 
Then the two Argives, deeming themselves victors, 
ran to Argos ; but Othryades, the Lacedaemonian, 


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καταχρήσασθαι έωυτόν, 

83. Ύοίούτων Βε τοίσι Χτταρτίήττ^σί ένεστεώτων 
ττρη^μάτων ηκε ο ΧαρΒιηνος κήρυξ Βεόμενος 
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και σφί ήΒη τταρεσκευασ μένοισι καΐ νεών εουσέων 
έτοιμων ηΧθε αΧΧη άγγελι?;, ώς ηΧώκοι το τείχος 
των ΑυΒών καϊ εχοιτο Κροίσος ζω-γρηθείς. ούτω 
Βη ούτοι μέν συμφορην ττοιησάμενοί μβ^άΧην 

84. Έ,άρΒιες Be ήΧωσαν ώδε. εττειΒη τεσσερεσ- 

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BOOK I. 82-84 

spoiled the Argive dead, bore the armour to his own 
army's camp and remained in his place. On the next 
day both armies came to learn the issue. For a while 
both claimed the victory, the Argives pleading that 
more of their men had survived, the Lacedaemonians 
showing that the Argives had fled, while their man 
had stood his ground and despoiled the enemy dead. 
At last the dispute so ended that they joined battle 
and fought; many of both sides fell, but the Lacedae- 
monians had the victory. Ever after this the Argives, 
who before had worn their hair long by fixed custom, 
shaved their heads, and made a la\v, with a curse 
added thereto, that no Argive should gro\v his hair, 
and no Argive Avoman should \vear gold, till they 
should recover Thyreae ; and the Lacedaemonians 
made a contrary laΛV, that ever after they should wear 
their hair long ; for till now they had not so worn it. 
Othryades, the one survivor of the three hundred, 
Avas ashamed, it is said, to return to Sparta after all 
the men of his company had been slain, and killed 
himqelf on the spot at Thyreae. 

83. All this had befallen the Spartans when the 
Sardian herald came to entreat their help for Croesus, 
now besieged ; yet for all that, when they heard 
the herald they prepared to send help ; but when 
they were already equipped and their ships ready, 
there came a second message which told that the 
fortress of the Lydians wsls taken and Croesus held a 
prisoner. Then indeed, though greatly grieved, they 
ceased from their enterprise. 

84. Now this is how Sardis was taken. When 


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τε ηΧώκεσαν καϊ τταν το άστυ εττορθεετο. 

85. Κατ αύτον Βε Ι^ροΙσον τάΒε iyiveTO. ην 
0L τταΐς^ τού καϊ ττρότερον εττεμνήσθην, τα μεν 
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αΧΧα τε ετηφραζό μένος ^ καϊ Βη καϊ ες ΑεΧφούς 

* τί) χωρίον is bracketed by Stein, 

Digitized by l\/licrosoft ® 

BOOK 1. 84-85 

Croesus had been besieged for fourteen days, Cyrus 
sent horsemen about in his army to promise rewards to 
him who should first mount the Avail. After this the 
army made an assault, but with no success. Then, all 
the rest being at a stand^ a certain Mardian^ called 
Hyroeades essayed to mount by a part of the citadel 
where no guard had been set ; for here the height on 
which the citadel stood was sheer and hardly to be 
assaulted, and none feared that it could be taken by 
an attack made here. This was the only place wliere 
Meles the former king of Sardis had not carried the 
lion which his concubine had borne him, the Telmes- 
sians having declared that if this lion were carried 
round the walls Sardis could never be taken. Meles 
then carried the lion round the rest of the wall of the 
acropolis where it could be assaulted, but neglected 
this place, because the height was sheer and defied 
attack. It is on the side of the city which faces 
towards Tmolus. So then it chanced that on the day 
before this Mardian, Hyroeades, had seen one of the 
Lydians descend by this part of the citadel after a 
helmet that had fallen down, and fetch it ; he took 
note of this and considered it, and now he himself 
climbed up, and other Persians after him. Many 
ascended, and thus was Sardis taken and all the city 
like to be sacked. 

85. I will now tell what befell Croesus himself. 
He had a son, of whom I have already spoken, a 
likely youth enough save that he was dumb. Now 
in his past days of prosperity Croesus had done all 
that he could for his son ; and besides resorting to 
other plans he had sent to Delphi to inquire of the 

* The Mardi were a nomad Persian tribe. 

VOL. I. Ε 

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ΤΙβρσβων ά\Χο^νώσα<ζ ^ροΐσον ώ? άττοκτβρβων, 
Κ,ροΐσος μέν νυν ορέων έττιόντα ύττο της τταρβούσης 
σύμφορης τταρημεΧηκεε, ούδε τι οΐ Βίέφβρε ττΧη- 
yevTL άποθανβΐν 6 he τταΐς ούτος 6 άφωνος ώς elSe 
βτΓίόντα τον ΤΙέρσην, ύττο Βέονς τβ καϊ κακού βρρηξε 
φωνην, elire he ''"Ω^νθρώττε, μη κτεΐνε ΙχροΐσονΓ 
ούτος μεν Βη τούτο πρώτον eφΘeyξaτo, μετά Be 
τούτο ηΒη βφώνεε τον πάντα γρόνον της ζόης, 

86. οι Βε ΤΙερσαν τάς τε Βη ^άρΒίς εσ'χον καϊ 
αύτον Κ,ροΐσον εζώypησav, αρξαντα ετεα τεσσερεσ- 
καίΒεκα καϊ τεσσερεσκαίΒεκα ήμερης ποΧίορκη- 
θέντα^ κατά το χ^ρηστήριόν τε καταπαύσαντα τήν 
εωυτού μεyάXηv apyj)v. Χαβόντες Βε αυτόν οι 
ΤΙερσαι ijyayov πάρα Κύρον. ο Βε συννήσας 
πυρην μεyάXηv άνεβίβασε eV αυτήν τον ΚροΙσόν 
τε εν πεΒΎ)σι ΒεΒεμενον καϊ ΒΙς επτα ΑυΒων παρ 
αύτον παϊΒας, εν νοω εγων είτε Βή ακροΘίνια 
ταύτα κaτayιεLV θέων οτεω Βή^ εϊτε καϊ εύχ^ήν 
επίτεΧεσαι θέΧων, εϊτε καϊ πυθόμενος τον Κροΐσον 
είναι θεοσεβέα τούΒε είνεκεν άνεβίβασε επϊ τήν 
πυρήν, βουΧόμενος εΙΒεναι εϊ τις μιν Βαιμόνων 
ρύσεται τού μή ζωντα κατακαυθηναι. τον μεν Βή 

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BOOK I. 85-86 

oracle concerning him. The Pythian priestess thus 
answered him : 

^^Lydian^ of many the lord, thou know'st not the 

boon that thou askest. 
Wish not nor pray tliat the voice of thy son may 

be heard in the palace ; 
Better it were for thee that dumb he abide as 

aforetime ; 
Luckless that day shall be when first thou hearest 

him speaking." 

So at the taking of the fortress a certain Persian^ 
not knowing who Croesus was, came at him Avith in- 
tent to kill him. Croesus saw liim coming, but by 
stress of misfortune he was past caring, and Avould as 
soon be smitten to death as not ; but this dumb son, 
seeing the Persian coming, in his fear and his grief 
broke into speech and cried, " Man, do not kill 
Croesus!" This was the first word he uttered ; and 
after that for all the days of his life he had power 
of speech. 

86. So the Persians took Sardis and made Croesus 
himself prisoner, he having reigned fourteen years and 
been besieged fourteen days, and, as the oracle 
foretold, brought his own great empire to an end. 
Having then taken him they led him to Cyrus. 
Cyrus had a great j^yre built, on which he set Croesus, 
bound in chains, and twice seven Lydian boys beside 
him : either his intent was to sacrifice these firstfruits 
to some one of his gods, or he desired to fulfil a vow, 
or it may be that, learning that Croesus Avas a god- 
fearing man, he set him for this cause on the pyre, 
because he Avould fain know if any deity Avould 
save him from being burnt alive. It is related 


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7Γνρή<; iaeXOelvj καίττβρ iv κ,ακω Ιόντι τοσούτω, 
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μετά 8ε ώ? ηvayfcάζ€τo, είττεΐν ^' Ύον αν iyco ττάσί 
τνράννοισί ττροετιμησα με^/ίΧων 'χρημάτων ες 
Xoyov^ εΧθεΙνΓ ώς 8ε σφί άσημα έφραζε, ττάΧιν 
εττειρώτων τα Xεyoμεva> Χιτταρεόντων 8ε αυτών 
και ογΧον τταρεχόντων, εXεyε 8η ώ? ήΧθε άρχην 
6 ^όΧων εων ^Αθηναίος, καϊ θεησάμενος ττάντα 
τον εωυτου οΧβον άττοφΧαυρίσείε οΙα 8η εϊττας, 
ώ? τε αύτω τταντα άττοβεβηκου τγ ττερ εκείνος 
είττε, ovSiv tl μάΧΧον ες εωυτον Xεyωv ή ουκ ες 
ατταν το άνθρώτηνον καϊ μάΧιστα τους παρά σφίσι 
αύτοίσι οΧβίους 8οκεοντας είναι* τον μεν Κροΐσον 
ταντα ά'πηyεεσΘaL, της 8ε ττνρης η8η άμμενης 
καιεσθαι τά ττεριεσχατα. καϊ τον Κνρον άκον- 
σαντα των ερμηνεων τά Κροίσος εΐττε, μετayv6vτa 
τε καϊ εννώσαντα οτι καϊ αύτος άνθρωπος εών 
άΧΧον άνθρωπον, yεv6μεvov εωντου εύ8αιμονίϊ] 
ουκ εΧάσσω, ζώντα πνρΐ 8ί8οΙη, προς τε τούτοισι 
8είσαντα την τίσιν καϊ επιΧεξάμενον ώς ούΒεν εϊη 
των εν άνθρώποισί άσφαΧεως έχον, κεΧεύειν 
σβενννναι την ταγίστην το καιόμενον πνρ ^ καΐ 

* πΰρ is bracketed by Stein. 

Digitized by Microsoft® 

BOOK 1. 86 

then that he did this ; but Croesus, as he stood 
on the pyre, remembered even in liis evil plight 
hoAv divinely inspired was that saying of Solon, that 
no living man was blest. When this came to his 
mind, having till now spoken no Avord, he sighed 
deeply and groaned, and thrice uttered the name of 
Solon. Cyrus heard it, and bade his interpreters 
ask Croesus who was this on whom he called ; they 
came near and asked him ; Croesus at first would say 
nothing in answer, but presently, being compelled, he 
said, ^^ It is one with whom I would have given much 
Avealth that all sovereigns should hold converse." 
This was a dark saying to them, and again they 
questioned him of the Avords which he spoke. As they 
were instant, and troubled him, he told them then how 
Solon, an Athenian, had first come, and how he had 
seen all his i*oyal state and made light of it (saying 
thus and thus), and how all had happened to Croesus 
as Solon said, though he spoke Λvith less regard to 
Croesus than to mankind in general and chiefly those 
Λνΐιο deemed themselves blest. While Croesus thus 
told his story, the pyre had already been kindled and 
the outer parts of it were burning. Then Cyrus 
Avhen he heard from the interpreters what Croesus 
said, repented of his purpose. He bethought him 
that he, being also a man, was burning alive another 
man who had once been as fortunate as himself; 
moreover, he feared the retribution, and it came to his 
mind that there was no stability in human affairs; 
wherefore he gave command to quench the burning 

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καταβιβάζαν Κροίσόν Τ6 teal του? μ^τα Κροίσου, 
καί τους 7Γ€ΐρωμ6νυυ<ζ ου Βύρασθαί en του ττυρος 

87. 'Έινθαΰτα Xeyerat ύττο ΑυΒών Κροΐσον 
μαθόντα την Κύρου μβτά^νωσιν, ω<; ώρα ττάντα 
μ€ν dvSpa σβ&ννύντα το ττΰρ, δυναμ€νου<; Be 
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€7ηκαλ€6μ€νον, εϊ τί οΐ κεχαρισμάνον εξ αύτον 
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7TapeovT0<; κακού, τον μβν όακρύοντα βττικαλύ- 
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συνΒραμεΐν εζατηνης νεφεα και γειμωνα τε καταρ- 
payijvai καϊ υσαι ΰ8ατί Χαβροτάτω, κατασβε- 
σθηναί τε την πυρην. οΰτω 8η μαθόντα τον 
Κΰ.οον ώ? eh] ο Κροίσος και ΘεοφυΚης καϊ άνηρ 
ayaOo^, καταβιβασαντα αύτον άττο της ττυρής 
είρεσθαι τά8ε. *' Κροίσε, τις σε άνθρώττων 
ανε^νωσε εττΐ yrjv την εμην στρατευσάμενον 
τΓοΧεμιον άντί φίΧου εμοί καταστήναι;^^ ο Βε eiire 
"Ώ βασιΧεΰ, iyco ταύτα εττρηξα τγ στ) μεν 
εύΒαιμονίτ), τη εμεωυτου Βε κακοΒαιμονίτ}, αϊτιος 
Se τούτων iy ενετό 6 'ΈΧΧηνων θεός ετταείρας εμε 
στρατεύεσθαί. ούΒεΙς yap οΰτω ανόητος εστί 
όστις ΤΓο'λεμον ττρο εΙρηνης αίρεεταΐ' εν μεν yap 
τι) οί τταίΒες τους πατέρας Θάτττουσι, εν Εε τω οΐ 
πατέρες τους παΐ8ας. άΧΧα ταύτα Βαίμοσί κου 
φίΧον ην οΰτω yεvέσΘaιΓ 

88, *^0 μεν ταύτα εXεyε, Κύρος Βε αύτον Χύσας 
κατεΐσέ τε βγγ'^? έωυτού καϊ κάρτα εν ποΧΧτ} 
προμηθίΎ] είχε, απεθώμαζέ τ ε ορέων καϊ αύτος 
και οι περί εκείνον έόντες πάντες, ο 8ε συννοίη 
εχόμενος ήσυχος ην μετά Se επιστραφείς τε καϊ 


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BOOK ί. 86-88 

fire with all speed and bring Croesus and those with 
him down from the pyre. But his servants could not 
for all their endeavour now master the fire. 

87. Then (so the Lydians relate), Λvhen Croesus Avas 
aware of Cyrus* repentance and saw all men striving 
to quench the fire but no longer able to check it^ he 
cried aloud to Apollo^ praying that if the god had ever 
been pleased Λvith any gift of his offering he would 
now come to his aid and save him from present de- 
struction. Thus with weeping he invoked the god : and 
suddenly in a clear and windless sky clouds gatlicred 
and a storm burst and there was a most violent rain^ 
so that the pyre was quenched. Then indeed Cyrus 
perceived that Croesus was a good man and one be- 
loved of the gods ; and bringing him doΛvn from the 
pyre^ he questioned him^ saying, "What man persuaded 
you, Croesus, to attack my country Avith an army, 
and be my enemy instead of my friend } " "O King/* 
said Croesus, "it was I who did it, and brought there- 
by good fortune to you and ill to myself : but the cause 
of all was the god of the Greeks, in that he encouraged 
me to send my army. No man is so foolish as to de- 
sire Avar more than peace: for in peace sons bury their 
fathers, but in war fathers bury their sons. But I 
must believe that heaven willed all this so to be.** 

88. So said Croesus. Then Cyrus loosed him and 
set him near to himself and took much thought for 
him, and both he and all that were with him were 
astonished when they looked upon Croesus. He for 
his part was silent, deep in thought. Presently he 

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186μ6νο<ί τού? ΤΙέρσας το των ΑυΕών άστυ fcepat- 
ζοντας etTTe "^Ω, βασιλεύς κότβρον Xej€LP ττρος σε 
τα νοίων τυγχάνω ή σι-γάν iv τω τταρεόντί χρήΓ 
Κΰρο^ Be μίν θαρσεοντα ίκεΧευε Xiyeiv 6 tl 
βούΧοιτο* ο he. αυτόν είρώτα \ί^ων *' Ουτο<ζ ό 
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ζεται; " δ δε είττε " YIoXlv τε την σην Βιαρττάζεί 
καΐ χρήματα τα σα Βίαφορεεί.'' Κροίσος 8ε 
άμείβετο " Οιίτε ττόΧιν την ε μην οΰτε χρήματα τα 
εμα Βιαρττάζεί• ούΒεν yap εμοί ετι τούτων μετά' 
άΧΧα φερονσί τ€ και α^ουσι τα σα.* 

89. Κνρω δε εττίμεΧες ijiv^ro τα Κροίσος είττε* 
μεταστησάμενος δε τους αΧΧους, εϊρετο ΚροΙσον 
6 τι οΐ ενορωη iv τοίσι ττοίευμενοισι. ο δε εΖττε 
*' Έττε^τε με θεοί εΒωκαν ΒοΰΧον σοι, Βίκαιώ, εϊ τι 
ενορεω ττΧεον, σημαίνειν σοί. Ώερσαί φύσιν 
εόντες ύβρισταΐ είσϊ άχρήματοι, ην ων συ 
τούτους ττερι'ώης Βιαρττάσαντας καΐ κατάσχοντας 
χρήματα μ6ydXa, τάδε τοί εζ αυτών εττίΒοξα 
γενέσθαι' ος αν αυτών ττΧεΐστα κατάσχτ), τούτον 
ττροσΒεκεσθαί tol βτταναστησόμενον, νυν ων 
ποίησον ώδε, εϊ τοι αρέσκει τα εγώ λέγω• κάτισον 
τών Βορυφορων εττί ττάσ^σι Τ7]σί ιτυΧΎ]σί φυΧά- 
κους, at Χε^όντων ττρος τους εκφέροντας τα χρή- 
ματα άτταιρεόμενοί ώς σφεα άνα^καίως έχει Βεκα- 
τευθηναί τω Ad. καΐ σύ τε σφι ουκ αιτεχθησεαι 
βίτ) ατταιρεόμενος τα χρήματα^ καϊ εκείνοι συγ- 
Ύνόντες ττοιεειν σε Βίκαια εκόντες ττροήσουσι.^^ 

90, Ύαύτα ακούων 6 Κύρος υττερηΒετο, ώς οΐ 
εΒόκεε ευ ύττοτίθεσθαΐ' αΐνεσας Be ττοΧΧά, καϊ 
εντείΧάμενος τοΐσι Βορυφόροισι τα Κροίσος ύττε- 
Θήκατο έπιτεΧέειν, elire ττρος Κροϊσον τάΒε. 


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BOOK 1. 88-90 

turned and said (for he saw the Persians sacking the 
city of the Lydians)^ "O King, am I to say to you now 
wliat is in my mind, or keep silence ?" Cyrus bidding 
him to say boldly what he would, Croesus asked, 
'^Yonder multitude, what is this whereon they are so 
busily engaged ?" *' They are plundering," said Cyrus, 
"your city and carrying off your possessions." "Nay," 
Croesus answered, "not my city, nor my possessions ; 
for I have no longer any share of all this ; it is your 
wealth that they are ravishing!" 

89. Cyrus thought upon Λvhat Croesus said, and 
bidding the rest ivithdraw he asked Croesus Λvhat 
fault he saΛv in what was being done. " Since the 
gods," replied the Lydian, " have given me to be your 
slave, it is right that if I have any clearer sight of 
wrong done I should declare it to you. The Persians 
are violent men by nature, and poor withal ; if then 
you suffer them to seize and hold great possessions, 
you may expect that he who has won most will rise 
in revolt against you. Now therefore do this, if 
what I say finds favour Avith you. Set men of your 
guard to watch all the gates ; let them take the 
spoil from those who are carrying it out, and say that 
it must be paid as tithe to Zeus. Thus shall you not 
be hated by them for taking their wealth by force, and 
they for their part will acknowledge that you act 
justly, and will give up the spoil willingly." 

90. When Cyrus heard this he was exceedingly 
pleased, for he deemed the counsel good ; and praising 
him greatly, and bidding his guards to act as Croesus 

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" Κροΐσ€, αναρτημένου atv avSpo^ βασίΧύο^ς 
γ^ρηστα epya καΐ errea TTOteeiv, αΐτέο Βόσιν ήντινα 
βουΚβαί τοί yeveaOai τταραυτίκα^ ο δε βίττε 
"Ώ δεστΓοτα, idaa^; μ€ χαριεϊ μάλιστα τον Θεον 
των ΈΧληνων, τον eyo) έτίμησα θβων μάλιστα^ 
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μαντηιω εστρατευσατο εττΐ Υ1ερσα<;' \ε^ων δε 
ταύτα κατέβαινε αυτι^ τταρα^τεόμενος επεΐναί οί 
τω θεω τούτο ονεώίσαι, Κΰρος δε ^έ\άσα<ζ είττε 
*' ΚαΙ τούτου τευξεαι τταρ εμ^εν, Κ^ροΐσε, καΐ 
άΧλου τταντος του αν εκάστοτε δε?;." ώ? Be ταύτα 
ηκουσε 6 ΚροΓσο?, ττέμττωντών ΑυΒών ες ΑεΧφούς 
ενετεΧΧετο τίθεντας τας ττεΒας εττΐ τού νηού τον 
ovSov είρωτάν εΐ ου τι ετταισ-χυνεται τοίσι 
μαντηίοισί επαείρας Κροΐσον στρατεύεσθαί εττΐ 
ΐίερσας ώς καταπαύσοντα την Κύρου Εύναμιν, 
άττ ης Οί άκροθίνια τοιαύτα γενέσθαι, Βεικνύντας 
τας ττεδα?• ταύτα τε εττειρωταν, καΐ εΐ αγαρισ- 
τοισι νόμος είναι τοΐσι ^ΕΧΧηνικοΐσι θεοίσι. 

91. Απικομενοισι δε τοΐσι ΑυΒοΐσι καΐ \ε^ουσι 
τα εντεταΧμενα την ΤΙυθίην Χέζεται είττεΐν τ«δε. 
" Tyjv ττεττρωμενην μοΐραν ά8υνατα εστί άττοφυ^είν 
καΐ θεω' Κ,ροΐσος δε ττεμτττου ιγονεος άμαρτάΒα 
εξεττΧησε, ος εων δορυφόρος ΊΊρακΧειΕέων, δόλω 
^υναικηίω εττισπόμενος εφόνευσε τον Βεσττότεα 
και εσ'-χε την εκείνου τιμήν ούΒέν οι ττροσήκουσαν. 
προθυμεομενου δε Αοξίεω οκως αν κατά τους 

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BOOK I. go-91 

had counselled, he said : ^^ Croesus, now that you, a king, 
are resolved to act and to speak aright, ask me now for 
whatever boon you desire forthwith." ^'Master," said 
Croesus, ^'you will best please me if you suffer me to 
send these my chains to that god of the Greeks v/hom 
I chiefly honoured, and to ask him if it be his custom to 
deceive those who serve him well." Cyrus then asking 
him what charge he brought against the god that he 
made this request, Croesus repeated to him the tale of 
all his own intent, and the ansAvers of the oracles, and 
more especially his offerings, and how it Avas the oracle 
that had heartened him to attack the Persians ; and so 
saying he once more instantly entreated that he might 
be suffered to reproach the god for this. At this Cyrus 
smiled, and replied, "This I will grant you, Croesus, 
and what other boon soever you may at any time ask 
me." When Croesus heard this, he sent men of 
the Lydians to Delphi, charging them to lay his 
chains on the threshold of the temple, and to ask if 
the god were not ashamed that he had persuaded 
Croesus to attack the Persians, telling him that he 
would destroy Cyrus' power ; of which poAver (they 
should say, showing the chains) these were the first- 
fruits. Thus they should inquire ; and further, if it 
were the manner of the Greek gods to be thankless. 
91. When the Lydians came, and spoke as they 
were charged, the priestess (it is said) thus replied : 
" None may escape his destined lot, not even a god. 
Croesus hath paid for the sin of his ancestor of the 
fifth generation : who, being of the guard of the 
Heraclidae, was led by the guile of a woman to slay 
his master, and took to himself the royal state of that 
master, whereto he had no right. And it was the 
desire of Loxias that the evil hap of Sardis should 


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τταΖδα? του Κροίσου yepotro το Έ^αρΒίωρ ττάθο^ζ 
και μη κατ αύτον Κροΐσον, ουκ οΙόν τε iyiveTO 
7Tapayay€Lv μοίρας. όσον δβ ίνε^ωκαν αυταί, 
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αύτω εττήρκεσε^ κατά δε το μαντηιον το yεvόμεvov 
ουκ 6ρθω<ζ Κροΐσο<ζ μέμφεται, 7Γpoηy6pευε yap οι 
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άρχ^ην αύτον καταΧύσειν. τον δε 7Γρο<; ταντα 
χρήν ευ μέΧλοντα βουΧεύεσθαι εττειρεσθαι ττεμ- 
ψαντα κότερα την εωυτού η την Υίύρου Xiyoi 
άρχ^ην. ού συΧΚαβων δε το ρηθέν ούδ' επανειρό- 
μενος εωυτον αίτιον άποφαινέτω- τω καΐ το 
τεΧευταΐον χρηστηριαξομενω είττε Αοξίης ττερί 
ήμιόνου, ούΒε τούτο συνεΧαβε. ην yap 8η 6 Κ,ΰρος 
ούτος ημίονος* εκ yap 8υών ουκ ομοεθνέων εyε- 
y6vεε, μητρός άμείνονος, ττατρος δε ύττοΒεεστερου• 
ή μεν yap ην ΜηΒΙς και ^Aστvάyεoς θυyάτηp του 
Μη^ων βασιλέος, ο δε ΙΙερσης τε ην και αρχό- 
μενος ύττ^ εκείνοισι και ενερθε εων τοϊσι αττασι 
ΒεστΓοίνη rfj εωυτού συνοίκεε»^^ ταύτα μεν η 
ΥΙυθίη ύττεκρινατο τοΐσι ΑυΒοΐσι, οι δε άνήνει- 
καν ες Έ^άρSις κα\ a^τηyyεLKav Κ,ροίσω. ο δε 
άκουσας συvεyvω εωυτού είναι την άμαρτάΒα 
καΐ ού τού θεού, κατά μεν Βη την Κροίσου 
τε αρχήν και Ιωνιης την ττρώτην καταστροφην 
εσχε ούτω. 

92. Κροίσω δε εστί αΧΧα αναθήματα εν τη 
Ελλαδί ΤΓϋλΧα κα\ ού τα είρημενα μούνα. εν μεν 


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BOOK I. 91-92 

fall in the lifetime of Croesus' sons, not his own_, 
but he could not turn the Fates from their pur- 
pose ; yet did he accomphsh his will and favour 
Croesus in so far as they would yield to him : for he 
delayed the taking of Sardis for three yearSj and 
this let Croesus know, that though he be now taken 
it is by so many years later than the destined hour. 
And further, Loxias saved Croesus from the burn- 
ing. But as to the oracle that was given him, 
Croesus doth not right to complain concerning it. 
For Loxias declared to him that if he should lead an 
army against the Persians he \vould destroy a great 
empire. Therefore it behoved him, if he would take 
right counsel, to send and ask whether the god spoke 
of Croesus' or of Cyrus' empire. But he understood 
not that Λvhich was spoken, nor made further inquiry : 
wherefore now let liim blame himself. Nay, when he 
asked that last question of the oracle and Loxias gave 
him that answer concerning the mule, even that 
Croesus understood not. For that mule was in truth 
Cyrus ; who was the son of two persons not of the same 
nation, of whom the mother was the nobler and the 
father of lesser estate ; for she \vas a Median, daughter 
of Astyages king of the Medians : but he was a 
Persian and under the rule of the Medians, and was 
wedded, albeit in all regards lower than she, to one 
that should be his sovereign lady." Such was the 
answer of the priestess to the Lydians ; they carried 
it to Sardis and told it to Croesus ; and when he 
heard it, he confessed that the sin was not the god's, 
but his own. And this is the story of Croesus' rule, 
and of the first overthrow of Ionia. 

92. Now there are many offerings of Croesus in 
Hellas, and not only those whereof I have spoken. 


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αναθήματα iξ άνΒρος iyeveTo ούσίης i^Ppod, 6ς οι 
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συσττεύΒων UavTaXiovTL yeveσθaί την ΑυΒών 
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ττατρος εκράτησε της ά.ρχή<; 6 Κ/οοΖσο?, τον 
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κατιρώσας τότε τρόττω τω είρημενω άν^θηκβ e<? 
τα €Ϊρηται, καϊ περί μεν αναθημάτων τοσαύτα 

93. δώματα Be. yrj η ΑυΒίη €9 συyy ραφην ου 
μάΧα εγει, οΐά τε καϊ άΧΧη χώρη, ττάρεξ του iK 
του ΎμώΧου καταφερομενου ψηyμaτoς. εν Be 
epyov τΓοΧΧον μ€yιστov -παρέχεται χωρίς των τ ε 
AlyυτΓTLωv epyωv καϊ των ΒαβυΧωνίων εστί 
αυτόθι ^ ΑΧυάττεω του Κρυίσου ττατρος σήμα, του 

^ The sentence is incomplete, lacking a predicate. 

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BOOK Ι. 92-93 

There is a golden tripod at Thebes in Boeotia, which 
he dedicated to Apollo of Isnienus ; at Kphesus^ 
there are the oxen of gold and the greater part of the 
pillars ; and in the temple of Proneia at Delphi, 
a golden shield. ^ All these yet remained till my 
lifetime ; but some other of the offerings have 
perished. And the offerings of Croesus at Branchidae 
of the Milesians, as I have heard, are equal in 
weight and like to those at Delphi. Those which he 
dedicated at Delphi and the shrine of Amphiaraus 
were Iiis own, the iirstfruits of the wealth in- 
herited from his father ; the rest came from the 
estate of an enemy who had headed a faction against 
Croesus before he became king, and conspired to 
win the throne of Lydia for Pantaleon. This Pan- 
taleon was a son of Alyattes, and half-brother of 
Croesus : Croesus was Alyattes' son by a Carian and 
Pantaleon by an Ionian mother. So when Croesus 
gained the sovereignty by his father's gift, he put the 
man who had conspired against him to death by draw- 
ing him across a carding-comb, and first confiscated 
his estate, then dedicated it as and where I have said. 
This is all that I shall say of Croesus' offerings. 

93. There are not in Lydia many marvellous 
things for me to tell of, if it be compared with 
other countries, except the gold dust that comes 
down from Tmolus, But there is one building to be 
seen there which is more notable than any, saving 
those of Egypt and Babylon. There is in Lydia the 
tomb of Alyattes the fatlier of Croesus^ the base 

^ The temple at Ephesus was founded probably in Alyattes' 
reign, and not completed till the period of theGraeco-l^ersian 

^ The temple of Athene Proneia {= before the shrine) was 
Ritnated outside the temple of Apollo, 


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η κρηττί^ί μβν βστί \ίθων ueyaXmVj το Se αλ\ο 
σήμα χώμα yή(;, Ιξερ^άσαντο Si μιν οι ayopaloi 
ανθρωττοί καΐ ο Ι χειρώνακτες καΐ αΐ iv εργαζόμενα ι 
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νετο μετρεόμενον το των τταιΒισκεων ερ^ον εον 
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ττλεθρα τρία κα\ Be/ca. \ίμνη Βε εχεται τον 
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καΧεεται Βε αντη Vvyaίη, τοντο μεν Βή τοιοντο 

94. ΛνδοΙ δε νόμοισι μεν τταραττΧησίοίσί χρ^- 
ωνται κανΚΧληνες^ χωρίς ή οτι τα θήΧεα τέκνα 
καταττορνενονσί, ττρώτοι Βε άνθρώττων των ημείς 
ϊΒμεν νόμισμα χρνσον κα\ apyvpov κο^Ιτάμενοι 
εχρήσαντο, ττρώτοι Βε καϊ κάττηΧοι kykvovTo. 
φασί Βε αντοί ΑνΒοΙ καϊ τας τΓaιyvίaς τας ννν 
σφίσι τε καϊ ^'ΈΧλησι κατεστεώσας εωντών εξ^ν- 
ρημα yεvεσθar α μα Βε ταύτας τε εξενρεθ?}ναι 
Ίταρα σφισι \έyovσι καϊ Ύνρσηνίην άττοικισαι, 
ώΒε ττερί αντών Xεyovτες. εττΐ "Ατνος τον Μάνεω 
βασιλέας σιτοΒείην Ισχνρήν άνα την ΑνΒίην 
ττάσαν y€vέσθaι, καϊ τονς ΑυΒονς τέως μεν Bιάyειv 
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σθαι, αλΧον Βε άΧλο εττιμηχανάσθαι αντών. 
εξενρεθήναι Βη ών τότε καϊ των κύβων καϊ τών 
άστpayaλ,ωv καϊ της σφαιρης και τών ά\Χεων 


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BOOK I. 93-94 

whereof is made of great stones and the rest of it of 
mounded earth. It was built by the men of the mar- 
ket and the artificers and the prostitutes. There 
remained till my time five corner-stones set on the 
top of the tomb, and on these was graven the record 
of the work done by each kind : and measurement 
shoΛved that the prostitutes' share of the work was 
the greatest. All the daughters of the common 
people of Lydia ply the trade of prostitutes, to 
collect dowries, till they can get themselves hus- 
bands ; and they offer themselves in marriage. 
Now this tomb has a circumference of six furlongs 
and a third, and its breadth is above two fur- 
longs; and there is a great lake hard by the tomb, 
which, say the Lydians, is fed by ever-flowing 
springs ; it is called the Gygaean lake. Such then 
is this tomb. 

94. The customs of the Lydians are like those of 
the Greeks, save that they make prostitutes of their 
female children. They were the first men (known to 
us) who coined and used gold and silver currency ; 
and they were the first to sell by retail. And, accord- 
ing to what they themselves say, the pastimes now in 
use among them and the Greeks were invented by the 
Lydians: these, they say, were invented among them 
at the time when they colonised Tyrrhenia. This is 
their story : In the reign of Atys son of Manes there 
was great scarcity of food in all Lydia. For a while 
the Lydians bore this Avith Λvhat patience they could ; 
presently, when there was no abatement of the 
famine, they sought for remedies, and divers plans 
were devised by divers men. Then it was that they 
invented the games of dice and knuckle-bones and 


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ττασίων irai'yvLewv τα el^ea, ττΧην ττεσσων τούτων 
yap ων την ίξεύρεσιν ουκ οίκηιοννται AvSot, 
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ττροστάσσειν^ ειτί Se τη άπαΧΧασσομενη τον εωυ- 
του τταΓδα, τω οΰνομα είναι Ύυρ<την6ν. Χαχόντας 
δβ αυτών τους ετέρους εξιεναί εκ της χώρης κατα- 
βήναί ες ΈJμύpvηv καΐ μηχανήσασθ αι ττΧοΐα, ες τα 
εσθεμενους τα πάντα οσα σφι ην χρηστά εττί- 
ττΧοα^ άτΓΟττΧέείν κατά βίου τε καΐ ^ής ζι^τησιν, 
ες ο εθνεα ττοΧΧά τταραμειψαμενους άττικεσΘαι ες 
^Ομβρίκούς, ένθα σφεας ενιΒρύσασθαι ττόΧίας καΐ 
οΐκέειν το μέχρι τοΰδε. άντϊ Βε ΑυΒών μετονο- 
μασθηναι αυτούς εττΐ του βασιΧέος του τταίΒός, 6ς 
σφεας άνηηαηε, εττΐ τούτου την εττωνυμίην ιτοιευ- 
μένους ονομασθηναι Ύυρσηνούς. 

ΑυΒοϊ μεν Βη υιτο ΐΐέρσησί εΒεΒοΰΧωΐ'το. 

95. ^ϋπιΒίζηται Βε Βη το ενβευτεν ημϊν 6 X6yoς 
τόν τε Κύρον όστις εων την Κροίσου άρχην 
κατεΐΧε, κα\ τους ΤΙέρσας οτεω τρόττω η^ησαντο 
της ^Ασίης. ώς ων Ώερσέων μετεξέτεροι Χέ^ουσι, 
οι μη βουΧομενοι σεμνουν τά τίερϊ Κυρον άΧΧά 
τον εόντα Χέ^ειν Xoyov, κατά ταύτα ypάψω, 


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BOOK Ι. 94-95 

ball, and all other forms of pastime except only 
draughts^ which the Lydians do not claim to have 
discovered. Then, using their discovery to lighten 
the famine, they would play for the whole of every 
other day, that they might not have to seek for food, 
and the next day they ceased from their play and ate. 
This was their manner of life for eighteen years. 
But the famine did not cease to plague them, and 
rather afflicted them yet more grievously. At last 
their king divided the people into two portions, and 
made them draw lots, so that the one part should 
remain and the other leave the country ; he himself 
was to be the head of those who drew the lot to re- 
main there, and his son, whose name was Tyrrhenus, 
of those who departed. Then one part of them, 
having drawn the lot, left the country and came down 
to Smyrna and built sliips, whereon they set all their 
goods that could be carried on shipboard, and sailed 
aAvay to seek a livelihood and a country ; till at last, 
after sojourning with many nations in turn, they came 
to the Ombrici,^ where they founded cities and have 
dwelt ever since. They no longer called themselves 
Lydians, but Tyrrhenians, after the name of the 
king's son who had led them thither. 

The Lydians, then, were enslaved by the 

95. But it is next the business of my history to 
inquire who this Cyrus was who brought down the 
power of Croesus, and how the Persians came to be 
rulers of Asia. I mean then to be guided in what 
I write by some of the Persians who desire not to 
make a fine tale of the story of Cyrus but to tell 

' In northern and central Italy; the Umbria of Roman 
history perpetuates the name. 


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επισταμένος ττβρί Κύρον καΐ τριφασίας αλλάς 
Χό'γων 68ούς φήναι. 

\\σσνρίων άρχ^όντων της άνω ^ΑσΙης eV eVea 
βϊκοσί fcal τΓβντακόσια, ττρώτοι απτ αντων Μ?)- 
hoi ηρξαντο άττίστασ^αί, και κως ούτοι ττερϊ 
της εΧβυθβρίης μαχβσάμενοι τοϊσι ^Ασσνρίοισι 
iyivovTO άνδρες ά^αθοί^ καϊ άπωσάμενοί την 
ΖουΚοσύνην εΧευθερώθησαν, μετά δβ τούτους καϊ 
τα άλΧα εθνεα εττοίεε τώντο τοϊσι Μτ^δοίσί. 

96. Έόι^τωι^ δε αυτονόμων ττάντων ανα την 
ηττειρον, ώδε αυτις ες τυραννίδα ττερίήΧθον* άνηρ 
εν τοϊσι Ι^Ιη^οισι εyέvετo σοφός τω οΰνομα ην 
Αηιόκης, Ίταΐς δ' ην Φραόρτεω. οΰτος 6 Αηώκης 
ερασθείς τυραννικός εττοίεε τοιάΒε. κατοικημένων 
των ^Ιή8ων κατά κώμας, εν ττ) εωυτου εων καϊ 
πρότερον δόκιμος καϊ μαΧΧόν τι καϊ ττροθυμότερον 
Βικαιοσύνην εττιθεμενος ησκεε' καϊ ταύτα μβντοι 
εούσης ανομίης ττοΧΧης άνα ιτασαν την Μη^ικην 
εττοίεε, εττιστάμενος οτι τω Βικαίω το άΒικον ττοΧέ- 
μίον εστί. οί δ' εκ της αυτής κώμης Μή8οι 
ορωντες αύτοΰ τους τρόπους Βικαστην μιν εωυτών 
αι ρέοντα, ο 8ε 8ή, οΙα μνώ μένος apyjqv, Ιθύς τε 
καϊ Βίκαιος ην, ποιεων τε ταύτα επαινον είχ^ε ουκ 
oXiyov προς των ποΧιητεων, ούτω ώστε πυνθανο- 
μενοι οί εν ττ)σι άΧΧ-ρσι κώμΎ}σι ώς Αηωκης εϊη 
άνηρ μοΰνος κατά το ορθόν Βίκάζων, πρότερον 
περιπίπτοντες άΒίκοισι 'γνώμ'ρσι, τότε επείτε 
ήκουσαν άσμενοι εφοίτων πάρα τον Αηιόκεα 
καϊ αντοί Βικασόμενοι, τεΧος δε ούΒενΙ άΧΧω 

97. ΤΙΧεΰνος δε αιεί yιvoμεvoυ τον επιφοιτε- 
οντος^ οϊα πυνθανομενων τας Βίκας άποβαίνειν 


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BOOK 1. 95-97 

tlie trutlij though there are no less than three other 
ucc'ounts of Cyrus which I could give. 

When the Assyrians had ruled Upper Asia for five 
hundred and twenty years ^ their subjects began to 
revolt from them: first of all, the Medes. These^ it 
would seenij proved their valour in fighting forfreedom 
against the Assyrians ; they cast off their slavery and 
won freedom. Afterwards the other subject nations 
too did the same as the Medes. 

96. All of those on the mainland were now free 
men ; but they came once more to be ruled by mon- 
archs as I will now relate. There was among the 
Medians a clever man called Deioces : he was the son 
of Phraortes. Deioces was enamoured of sovereignty, 
and thus he set about gaining it. Being already a 
notable man in his own township (one of the many 
townshii)s into Avhich Media was parcelled)jhe began 
to profess and practise justice more constantly and 
zealously than ever, and this he did although there 
was much lawlessness in all the land of Media, and 
though he knew that injustice is ever the foe of jus- 
tice. Then the Medes of the same township, seeing 
his dealings, chose him to be their judge, and he (for 
he coveted sovereign power) was honest and just. 
By so acting he won no small praise from his fellow 
townsmen, insomuch that when the men of the 
other townships learned that Deioces alone gave 
righteous judgments (they having before suffered 
from unjust decisions) they, then, on hearing this, 
came often and gladly to plead before Deioces ; and 
at last they w^ould submit to no arbitrament but his. 

97. The number of those Λνΐιο came grew ever 
greater, for they heard that each case ended as 

^ From 1229 to 709 B.C., as Deioces' reign began in 709. 


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κατά ΊΟ eov, <yvov^ ό Αηιόκη^; €ς ko)VTou ητάν 
άνακάμενον ovre κατίζειν en ηθεΚε ένθα ττερ 
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τω τταρεόντί 'χρεωμένοι δυνατοί είμεν ol/ceciv την 
χώρην, φέρε στΊ}σωμεν ήμεων αυτών βασυλεα' 
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εσομεθα. ταύτα κτ) \εyovτε<ζ ττειθουσι εωυτού<; 

98. Αντίκα he ττροβαΧΧομενων οντινα στή- 
σονται βασιΧεα, ο ^ηιόκη^ ην ττοΧλο? ύττο παντού 
άνΒρο'ζ καΐ ττροβαΧΧόμενος καΐ αΐνεόμενος, ε^ ο 
τούτον καταινεουσι βασιΧεα σφίσι είναι, ο δ' 
εκεΧενε αύτους οΙκια τε εωυτω άξια τΡ)ς βασιΧηίης 
οικοΕομησαι καϊ κρατύναι αντον Βορυφόρυισΐ' 
τΓοιενσι Βη ταύτα οι }\ίή8οί* οΙκοΒομεονσί τε yap 
αντω οΙκία μεyάXa τε κα\ Ισχυρά^ ϊνα αύτο<; 
εφρασε τή<; χώρης, και δορυφόρους αύτω εττι- 
τράτΓονσι εκ ττάντων Μί^δωι^ καταΧεξασθαι. ο 
δβ ώς εσχε την άρχην, τους ΜηΒους ηvάyfcaσε 
εν τΓοΧισμα τΓοιήσασθαι καϊ τούτο ττεριστεΧΧοντας 
των άΧΧων ησσον εττιμέΧεσθαι. ττειθομενων 8ε 
και ταύτα των ^Ιη^.ων οΙκο8ομεει τείχεα μεyάXa 
τε καϊ καρτερά ταύτα τα νύν ^ Ay0ciTava κε- 
κΧηται, έτερον ετερω κυκΧω ενεστεώτα, μεμη- 


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BOOK I. 97-98 

accorded with the truth. Then Deioces, seeing that all 
was now entrusted to him, would not sit in his former 
seat of judgment, and said he would give no more 
decisions ; for it was of no advantage to him (he said) 
to leave his ΟΛνη business and spend all the dav 
judging the cases of his neighbours. This caused 
robbery and lawlessness to increase greatly in the 
townships; and the IMedes gathering together con- 
ferred about their present affairs, and said (here, as I 
suppose, the chief speakers were Deioces' friends), 
"Since we cannot with our present manner of life 
dwell peacefully in the country, come, let us set up 
a king for ourselves ; thus will the country be well 
governed, and we ourselves shall betake ourselves 
to our business, and cease to be undone by lawless- 
ness " By such words they persuaded themselves 
to be ruled by a king. 

98. Tiie question Λvas forthwith propounded : Whom 
should they make king? Then every man Λvas loud 
in putting Deioces forward and praising Deioees, till 
they agreed that he should be their king. He bade 
them build him houses Avorthy of his royal power, 
and arm him with a bodyguard : the Medes did so ; 
they built him great and strong houses at what places 
soever in the country he showed them, and suffered 
him to choose a bodyguard out of all their people. 
But having obtained the power, he constrained the 
Medes to make him one stronghold and to fortify 
this more strongly than all the rest. This too the 
Medes did for him: so he built the great and mighty 
circles of Λvalls within walls which are now called 
Agbatana.^ This fortress is so planned that each 

* Modem Hamadan, probably : but see Kawlinson's note. 


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γ^άνηται δε οΰτω τούτο το τεΐχ^ος ωστβ 6 Ιτβρος 
τον 6Τ€ρον κνκΧος τοΐσι ττρομα'χ^εωσι μοννοισι 
€στι υψηΧότβρος. το μέν κού τι και το χωρίον 
συμμαχ^^βι κοΧωνο^ βων ωστβ τοιούτο elvai, το 
Se καΧ μάΧΧόν τί €7Γ€τη8€ύθη. κύκΧων δ' Ιόντων 
ίων σνναττάντων βτττά, iv 8η τω τβΧβνταίω τα 
βααιΧήια βνβστι κα\ οί θησαυροί, το δ* αντων 
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κνκΧον οι ιτρομαχ^εώνες βίσϊ Χενκοί, τον Se οευτε- 
βον μελανβς, τρίτου Se κύκΧου φοινίκεοι, τετάρτου 
δβ /cvciveot, ττεμτττον δέ σανΒαράκίνοί. οντω των 
ττέντε κύκΧων οί ττρομαγ^βώνε^ ηνθίσμίνοι είσί 
φαρμάκοίσΐ' δύο he οί TeXevTalot είσΐ ο μεν 
/^αταρ'γνρωμβνονς ο Se κατακβχρνσωμένους έχων 
τονς ττρομαχβώνας, 

99. Ύαντα μεν 8η 6 Αηωκη^ βωντω τ€ βτείχεε 
καΐ ττβρί τα βωντου οΙκία, τον δε άΧΧον 8ήμον 
ττέρίξ ifceXeve το τεΐχος οΐκίειν. οΙκο8ο μηθ εντων 
δε ττάντων κοσμον τόνΒε Αηιόκης ττρώτο? εστί 
6 καταστησάμβνο^, μητ€ εσιίναι τταρά βασιΧεα 
μηΒβνα, hi αγγβΧων δε ιτάντα χρασθαι, οράσθαι 
τ€ βασιΧία ύττο μηΒενό^, ττρός τβ τοντοισι ετί 
yeXav τ€ καΐ άντίον τττνβίν καΐ άττασί είναι τοντό 
ηε αίσχρον. ταντα δε ττερί εωντον εσέμνννε 
τωνΒε εϊνεκεν, οκως αν μη ορωντε^ οί ομηΧίκες, 
εοντε<; σύντροφοι τε εκείνω κα\ οΐκίη^ ον φΧανρο- 
τερης ούΕε ες άν^ρα^αθίην Χείττόμενοί, Χνττεοίατο 
καΐ ετΓΐβουΧενοιεν, άΧΧ ετεροΐός σφι ^οκεοι είναι 
μη ορώσι, 

100. Έττείτε δε ταύτα Βιεκόσμησε κάϊ εκφά- 
τννε εωντον ttj τνραννίΒί,ήν το Si/catov φνλάσσων 

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BOOK 1. 98-100 

circle of walls is higher than the next outer circle by 
no more than the height of its battlements; to which 
end the site itself, being on a hill in the plain, some- 
what helps, but chiefly it was accomplished by art. 
There are seven circles in all ; within the innermost 
circle are the king's dwellings and the treasuries; 
and the longest wall is about the length of the wall 
that surrounds the city of Athens.^ The battlements 
of the first circle are Avhite, of the second black, of 
the third circle purple, of the fourth blue, and of 
the fifth orange : thus the battlements of five circles 
are painted \vith colours ; and the battlements of the 
last two circles are coated, these with silver and those 
Λvith gold. 

99. Deioces built these walls for himself and around 
his own palace; the people were to dwell without the 
wall. And when all was buil t, it was Deioces first who 
established the rule that no one should come into the 
presence of the king, but all should be dealt with b}^ 
the means of messengers ; that the king should be 
seen by no man ; and moreover that it should be in 
particular a disgrace for any to laugh or to spit iii his 
l)resence. He was careful to hedge himself with all 
this state in order that the men of his own age (who 
had been bred up with him and were as nobly born as 
he and his equals in manly excellence), instead of 
seeing him and being thereby vexed and hajny 
moved to plot against him, might by reason of not 
seeing him deem him to be changed from what he 
had been.^ 

100. Having ordered all these matters and strongly 
armed himself with sovereign power, he was a hard 

^ About eiglit miles, according to a scholiast's note 
onThiicyd. ii. 13 ; but this is disputed. 
'^ Or, perhiips, different from themselves. 

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χ^αΧετΓο^ζ' καΐ τα9 Τ€ ^ίκα^ ^ράφοντβς βσω τταρ" 
eKclvov βσττΕμτΓβσκον, και ifcelvo^ Βιακρίνων τάς 
€σφ€ρομ€να<; βκττβμττβσκβ. ταύτα μβν κατά τα<ί 
Βίκας €7Γθί€€, τάδε Be αΧΚα €Κ€κοσμ€ατ6 or €Ϊ 
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και οΐ κατάσκοττοί τ6 και κατήκοοΰ ήσαν ανα 
Ίτασαν την χωρην τή<; ^ρχ€. 

101. Αηίόκ7]<; μβν νυν το ΜηΒικον €θνο<ζ συν€- 
(ττρβψβ μουνον κα\ τούτοι) ηρξβ' €στι Be ΜηΒων 
τοσάΒε ^yevea, ΒοΟσαί ΙΙαρ7]τακηνοϊ Έ,τρούχατβ<; 
^ΑριζαντοΙ ΒούΒίοί MayoL. ytvea μβν Βη ΜηΒων 
€στΙ τοσάΒβ, 

102. Αηώκεω Βε τταΐς γίνεται Φραορτης, δ<? 
τεΧευτησαντο<ζ Αηιοκεω, βασιΧεύσαντος τρία καΐ 
ττεντηκοντα ετεα, τταρεΒέξατο την αρχήν, τταρα- 
Βεξάμενο<; Βε ουκ άττεχρατο μούνων ΜηΒων αρχειν, 
άΧλα στρατευσαμενο<ζ εττι, του^ ΐίερσας ττρώτοισί 
τε τούτοισι εττεθήκατο κα\ ιτρώτους ΜήΒων υττη- 
κοου<; ετΓοίησε. μετά Βε έχων Βύο ταύτα εθνεα 
και αμφότερα ισχυρά, κατεστρεφετο την ^Ασίην 
άτΓ άΧΧου €77 άΧλο ίων εθνο<;, €9 δ στρατευσά- 
μενο^ εττΐ τους Ασσυρίους καΐ Άσσνρίων τούτους 
οΐ ISlivov είχον καΐ ήρχον πρότερον ττάντων, τότε 
Βε ήσαν μεμουνωμενου μεν συμμάχων ατε απ- 
εστεώτων, αΧλως μεντοι εωυτων ευ ηκοντες, εττϊ 
τούτους Βη στράτευσα μένος 6 Φραόρτης αυτός τε 
Βιεφθάρη, αρξας Βύο καΐ είκοσι ετεα, καΐ 6 στρατός 
αύτου 6 ττοΧΚός. 

103. Φραορτεω Βε τεΧευτήσαντο^ εξεΒεξατο 
Κυαξάρης 6 Φραορτεω του Αηιόκεω τταΐς. οΰτος 
ΧβΎεται ττοΧλον ετι (γενέσθαι αλκιμώτερος των 

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BOOK I. 100-103 

man in the observance of justice. They would Λvrite 
(ΙοΛνη their pleas and send them in to him ; tiien would 
he adjudge upon Avhat was brought him and send his 
judgments out. This was his manner of deciding cases 
at lawj and he took order too about other matters ; 
for when lie heard that a man was doing ΛΊolence he 
would send for him and punish him as befitted each 
offence : and he had spies and eavesdroppers every- 
where in his dominions. 

101. DeioceSj then^ united the Median nation^ and 
no other, and ruled it. The Median tribes are these — 
the Busae, the Paretaceni^the Struchates^the Arizanti, 
the Budiij the Magi : so many are their tribes. 

102. Deioces had a son, Phraortes, Λνΐιο inherited 
the throne at Deioces' death after a reign of fifty- 
three years.^ Having so inherited, he Avas not content 
to rule the Medes alone : marching against the Per- 
sians, lie attacked them first, and they were the first 
Avhom he made subject to the Medes. Then, with 
these two strong nations at his back, he subdued one 
nation of Asia after another, till he marched against 
the Assyrians, to wit, those of the Assyrians who held 
Ninus. These had formerly been rulers of all ; but 
now their allies had dropped from them and they 
Λvere left alone, yet in themselves a prosjierous people : 
marching then against these Assyrians, Phraortes him- 
self and the greater part of his army perished, after 
he had reigned twenty-two years. 

103. At his death he was succeeded by his son 
Cyaxares. He is said to have been a much greater 

* Deioces died in 656 Β.σ. 

» 133 

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τΓρο'γόνων, fcal ττρωτό'^ re βΧοχ^ισε κατά reXea 
τον^; €v rfj ^Aairj /cat Ίτρωτο^ Βιβταξβ χωρ\^ 
ίκάστους elvat, τους τβ αίχμοφόρον; καΐ τους 
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ijev€TO σφί μαχομίνοισί, και ο την ' ΑΧυος ττοτα- 
μοΰ ανω ^Ασίην ττάσαν συστησας βωυτω. συ\- 
\€ξας Be τους υπ βωυτω άρχομβνους ττάντας 
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r/ye Be αυτούς βασιΧεύς 6 ^κυθίων ^ΙαΒύης 
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χώρην άττίκοντο, 

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67Γ£ Φασιν ΤΓΟταμον καϊ €ς Κ,όΧχους τρί7]κοντα 
ημερίων €ύζώνω 6Β6ς, i/c Be της ΚοΧχίΒος ου 
ΤΓοΧΧον ύτΓβρβήναί €ς την ΜηΒίΚ7)ν, αλλ* ev το 
Βια μέσου έθνος αυτών εστί, Έ^άσττείρες, τοΰτο Βε 
τταραμειβομενοισί είναι εν τη ΜηΒίκτ}, ου μίντοι 
οϊ ye Έ^κύθαι ταύτη εσέβαΧον, άΧΧα την κατύ• 
ττερθε οΒον ττοΧΧω μακροτερην εκτραττόμενοι, εν 
Βεξίη έχοντες το Καυκάσίον ορός* ενθαΰτα οΐ 
μεν ΜήΒοι συμβαΧόντες τοΐσι Χκύθησί καϊ εσσω- 
Θεντες τη μάχη της αρχής κατεΧύθησαν, οΐ Βε 
Χκύθαι την \\σίην ττάσαν εττεσχον. 


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BOOK I. 103-104 

warrior than his fathers : it was he who first arrayed 
the men of Asia in companies and set each kind in 
bands apart, the spearmen and the archers and the 
horsemen : before this they were all blended alike 
confusedly together. This was the king who fought 
against the Lydians when the day was turned to night 
in the battle, and who united under his dominion all 
Asia that is beyond the river Halys. Collecting all his 
subjects, he marched against Ninus, wishing to avenge 
his father and to destroy the city. He defeated the 
Assyrians in battle ; but Λvhile he was besieging their 
city there came down upon him a great army of 
Scythians, led by their king Madyes son of Protothyes. 
These had invaded Asia after they had driven the 
Cimmerians out of Europe : pursuing them in their 
flight the Scythians came to the Median country.^ 

104. It is thirty days' journey for an unburdened 
man from the Maeetian lake^ to the river Phasis and 
the land of the Colchi ; from the Colchi it is an easy 
matter to cross into Media : there is but one nation 
between, the Saspires ; to pass these is to be in 
Media. Nevertheless it was not by this way that 
the Scythians entered ; they turned aside and came 
by the upper and much longer road, having on their 
right the Caucasian mountains. There the Medes 
met the Scythians, who worsted them in battle and 
deprived them of their rule, and made themselves 
masters of all Asia. 

^ ihis is the panie story as that related in the early 
chapters of Book IV. The Scythians, apparently, inarched 
eastwards along the northern slope of the Caucasus, turning 
south between the end of the range and the Caspian. But 
Herodotus' geography in this story is difficult to follow. — 
The "Saspires" are in Armenia. 

* The Maeetian lake is the Sea of Azov. 


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105. ^Ενθεΰτεν Se ηισαν iir' AlyvTrrov' tcai 
lireLTe iyipovro iv rij Υίαλαιστυρτ] Έ,νρίτ], "Ψαμμή- 
τίχο9 σφβα^ AlyvTTTOv βασίΧβύς άντιάσας Βώ- 
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ττορβύεσθαι. οι Be eireije άναγωρβοντε^ οττίσω 
iyivovTO τη<; 'Ζνρίη'ζ iv ^Κσκάλωνι ττόΧι, των 
πΧεόνων Έ,κνθέων τταρεξβΧθ όντων άσινβων, oXiyoi 
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ΆφροΒΙτη^; το ίρον. βστι Be τούτο το ίρ6ν, ώς 
βγω ττννθανόμενος eυpLσκωy ττάντων άργαιότατον 
ίρών οσα ταύτης της 0eov' καϊ yap το iv Κύττρω 
ίρον €v0evT6V iyeveTOj ώς αύται Κ,ύττρίοι Xeyovai, 
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θεων συΧησασί το ίρον το iv ΑσκάΧωνι καΐ τοϊσι 
τούτων aiel eKyovoiaL ενέσκηψε 6 θεός θηΧεαν 
νονσον ώστε αμα Xeyoυσί τε οι Χκύθαί Βια τούτο 
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άτΓίκνεομενονς ες την ^κυθικην 'χώρην ώς Βια- 
κέαται τους καΧεουσι Ένάρεας οί ^κύθαι, 

106. ΕτγΙ μεν νυν οκτώ καϊ είκοσι ετεα ι^ργον 
της ^Ασίης οί %κύΘαι, καϊ τα πάντα σφι ύττο τε 
νβριος καϊ 6Xιyωpίης ανάστατα ην χωρϊς μεν 
yap φορον εττρησσον τταρ εκάστων τον εκάστοισι 
€7Γ€βαΧΧον, χωρϊς Βε του φόρου ηρτταζον ττεριε- 
Χαύνοντες τούτο 6 τι εχοιεν έκαστοι, καϊ τούτων 
μεν τους ττΧεΰνας Κυαξάρης τε καϊ ΜήΒοι ξεινί- 
σαντες καϊ καταμεθύσαντες κατεφόνευσαν, καϊ 
οΰτω άνεσώσαντο την άρχην ΜήΒοι καϊ εττεκρά- 
τεον των ττερ και ττροτερον, καϊ την τ€ ^ινον 


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BOOK I, 105-106 

105. Thence they marched against Egypt : and 
when they were in the part of Syria called Palestine^ 
Psammetichus king of Egypt met them and persuaded 
them with gifts and prayers to come no further. So 
they turned back, and when they came on their way 
to the city of Ascalon in Syria, most of the Scythians 
passed by and did no harm, but a few remained behind 
and plundered the temple of Heavenly Aphrodite.^ 
This temple, as I learn from what I hear, is the oldest 
of all the temples of the goddess, for the temple in 
Cyprus was founded from it, as the Cyprians them- 
selves say : and the temple on Cythera was founded 
by Phoenicians from this same land of Syria. But the 
Scythians who pillaged the temple, and all their des- 
cendants after them, were afflicted by the goddess 
with the "female" sickness : insomuch that the Scy- 
thians say that this is the cause of their disease, and 
that those \vho come to Scythia can see there the 
plight of the men whom they call " Enareis." ^ 

106. The Scythians, then, ruled Asia for twenty- 
eight years : and all the land was wasted by reason of 
their violence and their pride, for, besides that they 
exacted from each the tribute which was laid upon 
him, they rode about the land carrying off all men's 
possessions. The greater number of them were enter- 
tained and made drunk and then slain by Cyaxares and 
the Medes : so thus the Medes won back their empire 
and all that they had formerly possessed ; and they 

* The great goddess (Mother of Heaven and Earth) wor- 
shipped by Eastern nations under various names — Mylitta in 
Assyria, Astarte in Phoenicia : called Heavenly Aphrodite, 
or simply the Heavenly One, by Greeks. 

* The derivation of this word is uncertain ; it is agreed 
that the disease was a loss of virility. In iv. 67 ivap-r\s = 


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el\op (ώ? Be elXov, ev erepoiai XoyoiaL ΒηΧώσω) 
Koi τοί/ς ^Ασσνρίους νττοχαρίους βτΓΟίησαντο 
ττΚην της ΈαβυΧωνίης μοίρης. 

107. Μβτα Se ταντα Κναξάρης μίν, βασι,Χβύσας 
τβσσβράκοντα erea συν τοΐσι ^κύθαί ηρξαν^ 
τβΚβυτα, €κ8€Κ€ταί Se ΆστυαΎης Κναξάρβω τταΐς 
την βασιληίην. 

Κα£ οΐ iy€V€TO Θν^άτηρ τ?} οννομα eOero ΊΛαν- 
Βάνην την iSoKee Άστνά<γης iv τω νττνω ονρήσαι 
τοσούτον ώστε ττΧησαί μεν την ίωντον ttoXlv, 
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θβμενος δβ των Μ.ά'γων τοΐσι ονειροττόλοισι το 
evvTTviov, ίφοβηθη ιταρ αντων αύτα βκαστα 
μαθών, μετά he την ΜανΒάνην ταύτην έονσαν 
ήΒη άνΒρος ωραίην Μτ^δωζ^ μίν των βωντον αξίων 
ouBevl SlBoI yuvaL/ca^ ΒβΒοικώς την όψιν ο Be 
ΐΐέρστ] ΒιΒοΐ τω οΰνομα ην Καμβύσης, τον εύρισκε 
οΐκίης μεν εόντα άβαθης τρόττον Βε ησυχίου, 
ΤΓολλώ ενερθε α^ων αύτον μέσον άνΒρος ΜηΒου. 

108. '^υνοικεούσης Βε τω Καμβύστ] της Mal•'- 
Βάνης, 6 ^ Αστυάγης τω ττρώτω ετβϊ εΙΒε αΧΚην 
όψιν, εΒόκεε Βε οι εκ των αΙΒοίων της θν^ατρος 
ταύτης φΰναι αμττεΧον, την Βε αμττεΧον ετΓίσ'χεΙν 
την ^Ασίην ττάσαν. ΙΒων Βε τούτο καΐ νττερθε- 
μενος τοΐσι ονειροττοΧοισι, μετεπέμψατο εκ των 
ΤΙερσεων την θυγατέρα εττίτεκα εουσαν, αττικό- 
μενην Βε εφνΧασσε βονΧόμενος το ηενόμενον εξ 
αυτής Βιαφθεΐραΐ' εκ yap οΐ της οψιος οί των 
Μάγωι^ ονειροττόΧοί εσημαινον οτι μέΧΧοί 6 της 
θvyaτpoς αυτού yovos βασιΧεύσειν αντΧ εκείνου, 
ταύτα Βη ων φυΧασσομενος 6 ^Aστυάyηςf ώς 
iyεvετo 6 Κνρος, κaXεσaς'Άpττayov άνΒρα οίκηιον 


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BOOK I. 106-108 

took Ninus (in what manner I will show in a later 
part of my history )^ and brought all Assyria except 
the province of Babylon under their rule. 

107. Afterwards Cyaxares died after a reign of 
forty years (among which I count the years of the 
Scythian domination) : and his son Astyages reigned 
in his stead. 

Astyages had a daughter, whom he called Man- 
dane : concerning whom he had a dream, that 
enough water flowed from her to fill his city and 
overflow all Asia. He imparted this vision to those 
of the Magi who interpreted dreams, and when he 
heard what they told him he was terrified : and 
presently, Mandane being now of marriageable age, 
he feared the vision too much to give her to any 
Median worthy to mate with his family, but wedded 
her to a Persian called Cambyses, a man whom he 
knew to be well born and of a quiet temper : for 
Astyages held Cambyses to be much lower than a 
Mede of middle estate. 

108. But in the first year of Mandane's marriage to 
Cambyses Astyages saΛv a second vision. He dreamt 
that there grew from his daughter a vine, which 
covered the whole of Asia. Having seen this vision, 
and imparted it to the interpreters of dreams, he 
sent to the Persians for his daughter, then near 
her time, and when she came kept her guarded, 
desiring to kill whatever child she might bear : for 
the interpreters declared that the meaning of his 
dream was that his daughter's offspring should rule 
in his place. Wishing to prevent this, Astyages 
on the birth of Cyrus summoned to him a man 
of his household called Harpagus, who was his 

VOL. I. F 139 

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fcal τηστότατόρ re ^Ιη^ων και ττάντων Ιττίτροττον 
των ίωντον, έλεγε οΐ roiaSe, ''"Αρτταγε, ττρή'γμα 
το αν rot ιτροσΘέω, μηΒαμώ^; τταραχρήστ), μηΒβ 
€μ€ τ€ τταραβάΧτ) καΧ αΚΚον^ εΧομενο^ εζ ύστερης 
σοί αύτω 7Γερΐ7ΓεσΎ}<;• Χάβε τον ΜανΒάνη ετεκε 
τταίδα, φέρων δε ες σεωυτοΰ άπόκτεινον, μετά δε 
θάψον τρόττω οτεω αύτος βούΧεαι.^^ ο δε αμεί- 
βεται *'^ί2 βασίΧευ, οΰτ€ άΧΧοτε κω τταρεΐΒες 
avhpl τωδε άχαρι ονΒεν, ώυΧασσόμεθα δε ε? σε 
και ε? τόι^ μετεττειτα γ^ρονον μηΕεν εξαμαρτείν. 
αλλ' εϊ TOL φίΧον τούτο οΰτω 'γίνεσθαί, χρη Srj το 
ye εμον υττηρετεεσθαι επιτηΒεως^ 

109. Ύούτοισι άμειψάμενος ο ' Αρτταγο?, ως οι 
τταρεΒόθη το τταώίον κεκοσμημενον την εττΐ 
Θανάτω, ηιε κΧαίων ες τα οΙκία' τταρεΧθων δε 
έφραζε ττ} εωυτον yvvaiKl τον ττάντα Άστυαγεος 
ρηθενταΧό^ον. ή 8ε ττρος αύτον Χε'γει *'Νύν ων τι 
σόϊ εν νόω εστί ιτοιεειν/^ ο δε αμείβεται *' Ου Trj 
ενετεΧΧετο ^Αστνά'γης, ούδ' ει τταραφρονήσει τε 
καΐ μανεεται κάκιον η νυν μαίνεται^ ου οι εγωγε 
•προσθησομαι ttj ^νώμτ} ουδέ ες φόνον τοιούτον 
ύττηρετι^σω. ποΧΧών δε είνεκα ου φονεύσω μίν^ 
και ΟΤΙ αύτω μοι συ^^ενης εστί 6 τταϊς, καΐ οτι 
"Αστυάγης μεν εστϊ ^ερων και άπαις ερσενος 
Ύονου• εΐ δ' εθεΧησει τούτου τεΧευτήσαντος ες 
την θυγατέρα ταύτην άναβηναι η τυραννίς, της 
νύν τον υΐον κτείνει 8ι εμεύ, αΧΧο τι ή Χείττεται 
το ενθεύτεν εμοί κινδύνων 6 μέγιστος; άλλα του 
μεν άσφαΧέος είνεκα εμοϊ δει τούτον τεΧευταν τον 
παιΒα, 8εΐ μεντοι των τίνα Άστυάγεος αυτού 
φονεα γενέσθαι και μη των εμων*^ 


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BOOK I. 108-109 

faithfullest servant among the Medes and was 
steward of all his possessions : then he said^ ^' Do 
not mishandle this command of mine^ Harpagus, nor 
forsake me for the service of others^ lest hereafter 
it be the worse for yourself. Take the boy whom 
Mandane has borne, and carry him to your house and 
kill him : and then bury him in what manner you 
yourself will." " King/' Harpagus answered, '^ never 
yet have you seen me do aught unpleasing to you ; 
and I will ever be careful not to offend against you. 
But if it is your will that this should so be done, then 
it behoves that for my part I render you fitting 

109. Thus answered Harpagus. The child was 
then given to him^ adorned for its death, and he went 
to his house weeping. When he came in he told his 
wife all the command given him by Astyages. ^^ Now, 
therefore/' said she to him, *^'what purpose you to 
do?" " Not," he answered, ^^ to obey Astyages' behest^ 
no, not though he lose his wits and be more frantic 
than now he is : even so I myself will not serve 
his purpose, nor be his instrument for such a murder. 
There are many reasons why I will not kill the child : 
he is akin to myself, and further, Astyages is old, 
and has no male issue : now if after his death the 
sovereignty passes to this daughter of his, whose son 
he is now using me to slay, what is left for me but 
the greatest of all dangers .'' Nay, for my safety I 
must see that the boy dies, but the deed must be 
done by some one of Astyages' own men and not of 


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110. Ύαντα elire fcal αντίκα ayyeXov βττβμπε 
eVt των βονκόΧων των Άστι^άγεος τον ηττίστατο 
νομά<; τ€ βττίτηΒεοτάτας νβμοντα καϊ opea θηριω- 
δέστατα' τω οννομα ην ΜΑΤ/)αδάτ?79, συνοίκεε he 
ίωντοΰ avvSovKrj, οννομα δέ τη yvvai/cl ην τη 
σννοίκββ Ι^ννω κατά την ΚΧληνων yXcbacrav, 
κατά Be την ^Ιη^ικην ^ιτακώ- την <γαρ κννα 
καλίονσί σιτάκα ΉίηΒοι. αΐ he νττώρβαί είσΐ των 
ορέων, ένθα τα<ζ νομα<ζ των βοών €ΐχ^ε οντος Βη 6 
βονκόΧος, ττρος βορεω τε άνέμον των ^Α<γβατάνων 
καϊ ττρος του πόντου του Ευξείνου- ταύτη μεν <γάρ 
ή ΜηΒικη χώρη ττρο? Έ,ασττεΙρων ορεινή έστι 
κάρτα καϊ νψηΧη τε καϊ ΪΒησι συνηρεφης, ή Be 
άλΧη ΜηΒικη χώρη εστί ττάσα αττεΒος. εττεί ων 6 
βουκοΧο^ στΓουΒη iroWfj καΧεόμενος άττίκετο, 
εΧε^ε 6 'Ά^τταγο•? ταΒε, ^ΎίεΧεύει σε^ Κστυά^η<^ 
το τταίΒίον τούτο Χαβόντα θεΐναι ες το ερημότατον 
των ορέων, οκως αν τάχιστα Βιαφθαρείη' καϊ 
τάΒε τοι εκεΧευσε είττεΐν, ην μη άττοκτείνης αύτο 
άΧΧα τεφ τρόττω ττεριττοιησης, οΧεθρω τω κακίστω 
σε Βιαχρησεσθαι. εττοράν Βε εκκείμενον τέτayμaι 

111. Ύαυτα άκουσας 6 βουκοΧος καϊ άναΧαβών 
το παιΒίον ηιε την αυτήν οττίσω οΒον καϊ άττι- 
κνεεται ες την ετταυΧιν, τω δ* άρα καϊ αύτω η 
^γυνη, εττιτεζ εουσα ιτάσαν ήμερην, τότε κως κατά 
Βαίμονα τίκτει οίχομενου του βουκόΧου ες ττόΧιν. 
ήσαν Βε εν φροντίΒι αμφότεροι άΧΧηΧωρ ττερι, 
ο μεν του τόκου της 'γυναικός άρρωΒεων, η Βε (γυνή 
ο τι ουκ εωθώς 6 ^Άρπα<γος μεταττεμψαιτο αύτης 
τον άνΒρα. εττείτε Βε άπονοστησας ειτεστη, οΙα 
εξ αεΧτΓΊου ΙΒουσα η 'γυνή εϊρετο ττροτερη 6 τι μιν 

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BOOK 1. iio-iii 

110. So saying, he sent fortliAvith a messenger to 
that one of Astyages' cowherds whom he knew to 
pasture his herds in the likeliest places and where 
the mountains were most haunted of wild beasts. 
The man's name was Mitradates, and his wife 
was a slave like him ; her name Λvas in the Greek 
language Cyno, in the Median Spako : for "spax" 
is the Median name for a dog. The foothills ot 
the mountains where this cowherd pastured his 
kine are to the north of Agbatana, tOΛvards the 
Euxine sea : for the rest of Media is everywhere 
a level plain, but here, on the side of the Saspires,^ 
the land is very high and mountainous and covered 
with woods. So when the C0Λvherd came Avith all 
speed at the summons, Harpagus said: ^^ Astyages 
bids you take this child and lay it in the most 
desolate part of the mountains, that it may thus 
perish as soon as may be. And he bids me say, that 
if you kill not the child, but in anyway save it alive, 
you shall die a terrible death : and it is I who am 
ordered to see it exposed." 

111. Hearing this, the cowherd took up the child 
and returned by the same Λvay and came to his stead- 
ing. Now it chanced that his wife too had been 
expecting her time every day, and providence so 
ordained that she was brought to bed while her man 
was away in the city. Each of them was anxious for 
the other, the husband being afraid about his wife's 
travail, and the wife because she kneΛv not why 
Harpagus had so unwontedly sent for her husband. 
So when he returned and came before her, she was 
startled by the unexpected sight and asked him before 

^ In the north-western part of Media : modern Azer- 


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υΰτω ττροθυμω^ "Λρτταγο? μ€Τ€7Γ6μ•ψ•ατο* ο δε 
εΙτΓβ **^ί1 yvvat, elhov re €9 ττόΧιν βλ,θων καΧ ηκουσα 
το μήτε Ihelv οφβΧορ μήτε κοτΐ 'yeveaOai 69 
δεστΓοτας του<ζ ήμβτβρους. οίκος μβν ττάς ^Αρττά- 
yov κΧαυθμω κατείχβτο, iyco Be eKirXayel^ ήια 
€σω. ώς Be τ άχτιστα βσήΧθον, ορέω ιταιΒιον προ- 
κβίμ^νορ άστταΐρόν τε καΐ κpaυyavώμ€V0V3 κβκοσμη- 
μβνον 'χρυσω τε καΧ βσθήτι ttolklXtj. " KpTrayo^; Be 
ώς elBe /xe, eKeXeue τήν ταγ^ίστην άναΧαβόντα το 
τταίΒίον οΧγβσθαι φέροντα και θεΐναι ένθα θηριωΒε- 
στατον εϊη των ορεων^ φας Αστυάγεα εΊναί τον 
ταύτα εττίθεμενόν μοι, ττολλ' άττειΧήσας εΐ μή 
σφεα ττοιήσαιμι, και iyco άναΧαβών εφερον, 
Βοκεων των τίνος οίκετεων είναι* ου yap αν κοτε 
κατβΒοξα ένθεν yε ην, εθάμβεον Βε ορέων γ^ρνσω 
τε real εΊμασι κεκοσμημενον, ττρος Βε και κΧαυθμον 
κατεστεωτα εμφανεα εν ^ Apirayov, καΐ ττρόκατε 
Βή κατ οΒον ττυνθάνομαυ τον ττάντα Xoyov θερά- 
ττοντος, ος εμε προπεμττων εζω ττοΧιος ενε'χείρισε 
το βρέφος^ ώς άρα ΧίανΒάνης τε εϊη τταΐς της 
^Aστυάyεoς θυyaτpoς καΐ Κ.αμβύσεω τον Κύρου, 
και μιν ^ Αστυ ay ης εντεΧΧεται άποκτεΐναι. νυν τε 
οόε εστί, 

112. ^Άμα Βε ταύτα εXεyε 6 βουκόΧος καΐ 
εκκαΧνψας άττε^είκνυε, η Βε ώς εΙΒε το τταίΒίον 
μέya τε καΐ ενειΒες εόν, Βακρύσασα καΐ Χαβομενη 
των yoυvάτωv του ανΒρος εγ^ρήιζε μηΒεμιγι τεχντ) 
εκθ είναι μιν. ο Βε ουκ εφη οΙός τ είναι αΧΧως 
αύτα ττοιεειν εττιφοιτήσειν yap κατασκό-πους εξ 
Άpπάyoυ εττοψομενους, άττοΧεεσθαί τε κάκιστα 
ην μή σφεα ποιήστ], ώς Βε ουκ εττειθε άρα τον 
άνΒρα, Βεύτερα Xέyει ή yυvή τάΒε. "ΈττεΙ τοίνυν 


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he could speak why Harpagus had so instantly sum- 
moned him. ^' Wife/' he said^ " Λvhen I came to the 
city^ I saw and heard what I wOuld 1 had never seen^ 
and what I would had never happened to our masters. 
All the house of Harpagus was full of weeping ; and 
I was astonished^ and entered in; and immediately 
1 saw a child laid there struggling and crying, decked 
out with gold and many-coloured raiment. And when 
Harpagus saw me^ he bade me take the child wiih all 
speed and bear it away and lay it where there are most 
wild beasts in the mountains : it was Astyages^ he 
said^ Λν^ο laid this command on me^ and Harpagus 
threatened me grievously if I did not do his Λνίΐΐ. So 
I took up the child and bore him away^ supposing 
him to be the child of someone in the household ; for 
I could never have guessed whose he was. But I was 
amazed at seeing him decked with gold and raimentj 
and at hearing moreover the manifest sound of Aveep- 
ing in the house of Harpagus. Very soon on the way 
I heard all the story from a servant who brought me 
out of the city and gave the child into my charge : 
to Λvit;, that it was the son of Mandane the king's 
daughter and Cambyses the son of CyruSj and that 
Astyages bade him slay the child. And now^ here 
is the child." 

112. And with that the cowherd uncovered it 
and showed it. But when the woman saw how fine 
and fair the child was^ she fell a-weeping and laid 
hold of the man's knees and entreated him by 
no means to expose him. But the husband said he 
could do no other ; for^ he said, there would be com- 
ings of spies from Harpagus to see what was done, 
and he must die a terrible death if he did not obey. 
So then being unable to move her husband^ the 
woman said next: ^' Since I cannot move you from your 

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ov Βύναμαί σε TreiOeLV μη βκθβΐναι, συ he a)Se 
ΎΓοίησον, el Βη ττασα ανάγκη οφθηναι βκκείμβνον. 
τίτοκα yap και εγώ, τέτοκα Se Te9veo<^. τούτο μεν 
φέρων 7Γρόθε<ζ, τον Βε της Άστυαγβο? θνγατρος 
ιταίΒα ώς εξ ήμεων εόντα τρέφωμεν. κα\ οΰτω 
οντ€ συ άΧώσεαι αΒικεων τους Βεσττότας ούτε ημΐν 
κακώς βεβούΧευμενα εσταΐ' ο τ€ jap τεθνεως 
βασιΧηίης ταφής κυρήσει καΐ 6 ττεριεων ουκ άττο- 
\e€L την ψυχην.'^ 

113. Κάρτα τε ίΒοξε τω βουκοΧω ττρος τα 
τταρεόντα ευ Χε^ειν η ηυνη, καΐ αντίκα εττοίεε 
ταύτα' τον μεν έφερε θανατώσων τταΐΒα, τούτον 
μεν τταραΒίΒοΐ ττ) εωυτού jvvaiKL, τον Βε εωυτοΰ 
εόντα νεκρον Χαβων εθηκε ες το α^^ος εν τω 
έφερε τον έτερον κοσμήσας Βε τω κόσμω τταντί 
του ετέρου τταιΒός, φέρων ες το ερημότατον των 
ορέων τιθεΐ» ως Βε τρίτη ήμερη τω ιταιΒίω εκκει- 
μενω ε^ενετο^ ήιε ες ttqXlv ο βουκόΧος, των τίνα 
ττροβοσκών φύλακον αυτού καταΧίττών, εΧΘων Βε 
ες του ^ Κρττά^ου αττοΒεικνύναι εφη ετοίμος είναι 
του τταιΒίου τον νεκυν, ττεμψας Βε ο ^Άρττα^ος 
των εωυτού Βορυφόρων τους τηστοτάτους εΙΒε τε 
Βια τούτων καϊ εθα'^β του βουκόΧου το τταιΒίον^ 
καϊ το μεν ετέθατττο, τον Be ύστερον τούτων 
Κύρον ονομασθεντα τταραΧαβοΰσα έτρεφε ή ^υνή 
του βουκόΧου, ούνομα αΧΧο κού τι καϊ ου Κΰρον 

114. Καϊ οτ€ ην δεκαετής 6 τταΐς, ττρη^μα ες 
αυτόν TOLovBe ^ενομενον εξέφηνε μιν. ετταιζε εν 
τγι κώμτ) ταύτχ) εν ττ} ήσαν καϊ αΐ βουκοΧίαι 
αύται, ετταιζε Βε μετ^ αΧΧων ήΧίκων εν οΒω, καϊ 
οι τταιΒες παίζοντες εϊΧοντο εωυτών βασιΧεα 

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purpose to expose, then do you do this, if needs must 
that a child be seen exposed. Know that I too have 
borne a child, but it was dead ; take it ηοΛν and lay 
it out, but, for the child of the daughter of Astyages, 
let us rear it as it were our own ; so shall you escape 
punishment for offending against our masters, and we 
shall have taken no evil coiyisel. For the child that is 
dead will have royal burial, and he that is alive \vill 
not lose his life." 

113. Thinking that his wife counselled him ex- 
ceeding well in his present strait, the cowherd 
straightway did as she said. He gave his wife 
the child whom he had brought to kill him, and 
his ΟΛνη dead child he put into the chest wherein 
he carried the other, and decked it with all the 
other child's adornment and laid it out in the most 
desolate part of the mountains. Then on the third 
day after the laying out of the child, the cowherd 
left one of his herdsmen to guard it and Λvent to the 
city, where he came to Harpagus' house and said he 
Avas ready to show the child's dead body. Harpagus 
sent the most trusty of his bodyguard, and these 
saw for him and buried the coAvherd's child. So it 
was buried : and the cowherd's wife took and reared 
the boy who was afterwards named Cyrus ; but she 
gave him not that but some other name. 

114. Now when the boy was ten years old, it was 
revealed in some such wise as this who he was. 
He was playing in the village where these herds- 
men's quarters were : there he was playing in the 
road Avith others of his age. The boys in their 


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elvai τούτον 8η τον του βουκοΧου ετΓίκΧησιν 
τταΐδα. δ Be αντων Βιβταξβ τους μεν οίκία^ 
οΙκοΒομίειν, τους Sk δορυφόρους elvai, τον Βέ κου 
τίνα αυτών οφθαΧμον βασιΚβος elvai, τω Be 
τινί τας ά^^έλίας φερειν εΒιΒου <γ€ρας, ως εκάστω 
epyov ιτροστάσσων. €Ϊς Βη τούτων των τταίΒων 
συμτταίζων, ίων ^ Αρτβμβάρεος τταίς άνΒρος Βοκί- 
μου iv ^ΙήΒοισι, ου yap Βη εττοίησε το ττροσ- 
ταχθεν εκ του Κύρου, εκεΧευε αύτον τους 
αΧΧους τταΐΒας ΒιαΧαβεΙν^ ττειθομενων Be τώι> 
τταίΒων 6 Κΰρο? τον τταίΒα τρηχέως κάρτα 
ττερίέσττε μαστυ^εων. ο Βε εττείτε μετείθη τά- 
χιστα, ως 'γε Βη ανάξια εωυτοΰ τταθών, μαΧΧόν τι 
ττεριημεκτεε, κατεΧθων Be ες ttoXlv ττρος τον 
ττατερα άττοικτίζετο των ύττο Κυρου ήντησε, 
Χε^ων Βε ου ϋύρου (ου yap κω ην τούτο τούνομα), 
άΧΧά ττρος τού βουκόΧου του ^ Aστυάyεoς τταιΒός, 
6 Βε ^ Αρτεμβάρης opyfj ως είχε εΧΘων παρά τον 
^ Aστυάyεa καΐ άμα άyόμevoς τον τταίΒα άνάρσια 
'πpηyμaτa εφη ττεττονθεναι, Χετ^ων **Ώ βασιΧεύ, 
ύττο τού σού ΒούΧου, βουκόΧου Βε τταιΒος ώΒε 
ττεριυβρίσμεθα/^ Βεικνύς τού τταίΒος τους ώμους, 

115. * Ακουσας Βε καΐ ΙΒων ^Aστυάyης, θεΧων 
τιμωρησαι τω τταιΒΙ τιμής της ^Αρτεμβάρεος 
είνεκα, μετεττεμττετο τόν τβ βουκοΧον καΐ τον 
'τταίδα. εττείτε Βε παρήσαν αμφότεροι, βΧεψας 
ττρος τον Κύρον ό ^ Aστυάyης εφη " St» Βη εων 
τούΒε τοιούτου εόντος τταΐς ΙτόΧμησας τον τούΒε 
τταϊΒα εόντος πρώτου παρ* εμοί άεικείτ] τοιηΒε 
περισπεΐν; " δ Βε άμείβετο ώΒε, "Ώ Βεσποτα, iyo) 
ταύτα τούτον εποίησα συν Βίκτ], οι yap με εκ 
της κώμης παΐΒες, των καΐ οΒε ην, παίζοντες 


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BOOK I. 114-115 

play chose for their king that one who passed for 
the son of the cowliercl. Then he set them severally 
to their tasks, some to the building of houses, some 
to be his bodyguard, one (as I suppose) to be 
the King's Eye ; to another he gave the right of 
bringing him messages ; to each he gave his proper 
work. Now one of these boys who played with 
him was son to Artembares, a notable Median ; as 
he did not obey the command Cyrus gave him, Cyrus 
bade the other boys seize him, and \vhen they did 
so he dealt very roughly with the boy and scourged 
him. As soon as he was loosed, very angry at the 
wrong done him, he went down to his father in the 
city and complained of what he had met with at the 
hands of the son of Astyages' cowherd, — not calling 
him Cyrus, for that name had not yet been given. 
Artembares w^ent \vith his anger fresh upon him to 
Astyages, bringing his son and telling of the cruel 
usage he had had: "O King," said he, '^ see the 
outrage done to us by the son of your slave, the son 
of a cowherd ! " and with that he showed his son's 

115. When Astyages heard and saw, he was ready 
to avenge the boy in justice to Artembares' rank : so 
he sent for the cowherd and his son. When they were 
both present, Astyages said, fixing his eyes on Cyrus, 
^' Is it you, then, the son of such a father, who have 
dared to deal so despitefully with the son of the 
greatest of my courtiers.''" " Nay, master," answered 
Cyrus, ^^ what I did to him I did \vith justice. The 
boys of the village, of whom he was one, chose me 


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συ^^νώμην εωυτω κεΧεύων εχειν αυτόν, 

117. Αστυάγης Βε του μεν βουκόΧου την άΧη- 
θειην εκφηναντος Xoyov ηΒη καΐ εΧασσω εττοιεετο. 

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BOOK I. 115-117 

in their play to be their king : for they thought me 
the fittest to rule. The other boys then did as I 
bid them : but this one was disobedient and cared 
nothing for me^ till he got his deserts. So now if I 
deserve punishment for this^ here am I to take it." 

116. While he spoke^ it seemed to Astyages that 
he recognised Cyrus ; the fashion of the boy's 
countenance Avas like (he thought) to his own_, and 
his manner of answering was freer than customary : 
and the time of the exposure seemed to agree with 
Cyrus* age. Being thereby astonished^ he sat awhile 
silent ; but when at last with difficulty he could 
collect his wits^ he said (for he desired to rid him- 
self of Artembares and question the cowherd with 
none present), " I will so act, Artembares, that you 
and your son shall have no cause of complaint." 
So he sent Artembares away, and the servants led 
Cyrus within at Astyages' bidding. Then, the cowherd 
being left quite alone, Astyages asked him whence he 
had got the boy and from whose hands. The cowherd 
answered that Cyrus was his own son and that the 
mother was still in his house. " You are ill advised," 
said Astyages, " desiring, as you do, to find yourself in 
a desperate strait," — and with that he made a sign to 
the guard to seize him. Then under stress of necessity 
the cowherd declared to him all the story, telling all 
truly as it had happened from the beginning : and 
at the last he prayed and entreated that the king 
would pardon him. 

117. When the truth had been so declared Asty- 
ages took thereafter less account of the cowherd, but 


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yεyovoς, ττρωτα μεν, κατά ττερ ήκουσε αύτος προς 
του βουκόΧου το πpήyμay πάΧιν άπηγεετο τω 

Aρπάyω, μετά Be ως οι επαΧιΧΧόγητο, κατέβαινε 
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τον παίΒα τούτον εκαμνον μεyάXως, καϊ ODyaTpX 


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BOOK I. 1T7-118 

he was very Avrotli with Harpagus and bade the guards 
summon him. Harpagus came^ and Astyages asked 
him, *^ Harpagus, in what manner did you kill the boy, 
my daughter's son, whom I gave you ? " Harpagus saw 
the cowherd in the house, and did not take the way 
of falsehood, lest he should be caught and confuted : 
" Ο King," he said, '' when I took the boy, I thought 
and considered hoAV I should do you pleasure, and 
not offend against you, yet not be held a murderer by 
your daughter or yourself. This then I did : I called 
to me yonder cowherd, and gave over the child to him^ 
telling him that it was you who gave the command to 
kill it. And that was the truth ; for such was your 
command. But I gave the child with the charge that 
the cowherd should lay it on a desolate mountain- 
side, and wait there and watch till it be dead ; and 1 
threatened him with all punishments if he did not 
accomplish this. Then, when he had done what he 
was bid, and the child was dead, I sent the trustiest 
of my eunuchs and by them I saw and buried the 
body. This, Ο king, is the tale of the matter, and 
such was the end of the boy." 

118. So Harpagus spoke the plain truth. Astyages 
hid the anger that he had against him for what had 
been done, and first he related the story again to Har- 
pagus as he had heard it from the cowherd, then, after 
so repeating it, he made an end by saying that the 
boy was alive and good had come of it all. '^ For," 
so he said in his speech, 'Ί was greatly afflicted 
by what had been done to this boy, and it weighed 

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119. ^' Κρττα^ο'ζ μίν ώς ήκουσε ταΰτα^ ττροσκυ- 
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εχειν της βορης, Άστι/αγ?/? εϊρετό μιν εΐ ησθείη 
τι TTj θοίντ). φαμενον Βε Άpπάyov καϊ κάρτα 
ήσθήναι, τταρεφερον τοΐσι ττροσεκειτο την κεφαΧην 
τον τταιΒος κατακεκαΧυ μμενην καϊ τάς χείρας καΐ 
τους πόΒας, ^' Apirayov Βε εκεΧευον προσστάντες 
άποκαΧύπτειν τε καΐ Χαβεΐν το βούΧεται αυτών* 


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BOOK ί. II8-II9 

heavily on me that 1 was estranged from my 
daughter. Now, therefore, in this lucky turn of 
fortune, send your own son to the boy who is newly 
come, and come hither to dine with me, for I am 
about to make sacrifice for the safety of my grandson 
to the gods to whom this honour is due/' 

119. When Harpagus heard this he did obeisance 
and went to his home, greatly pleased to find that 
his offence had served the needful end and that he 
was invited to dinner in honour of this fortunate day. 
Coming in, he bade his only son, a boy of about 
thirteen years of age, to go to Asty ages' palace and 
do whatever the king commanded, and in his great 
joy he told his wife all that had happened. But 
when Harpagus' son came, Astyages cut his throat 
and tearing him limb from limb roasted some and 
boiled some of the flesh, and the work being 
finished kept all in readiness. So when it came to the 
hour for dinner and Harpagus was present among 
the rest of the guests, dishes of sheeps' flesh were 
set before Astyages and the others, but Harpagus 
was served with the flesh of his own son, all but the 
head and hands and feet, which lay apart covered up 
in a basket. And when Harpagus seemed to have 
eaten his fill, Astyages asked him, ^^ Are you pleased 
with your meal, Harpagus ? " ^^ Exceeding well 
pleased," Harpagus answered. Then those whose 
business it was brought him in the covered basket 
the head and hands and feet of his son, and they 
stood before Harpagus and bade him uncover and 
take of them what he would. Harpagus did so ; 


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εχε ayaeov ου yap ετι το Βεύτερον άρχει, τταρα 
σμικρά yap καϊ των Xoyίωv ήμΐν ενια κεχώρηκε, 
καϊ τα ye των ονειράτων εχόμενα τεΧεως ες 
ασθενές έρχεται.'^ αμείβεται 6 Άστι/αγ?;? τοΐσιΒε. 
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εΙμί, βασιΧεος ονομασθεντος του τταιΒος εξη- 
κειν τε τον ονειρον και μοι τον τταιΒα τούτον 


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BOOK ι. II9-I20 

he uncovered and saw \vhat was left of his son : 
this he saw, but he mastered himself and was not 
dismayed. Astyages asked him, " Know you what 
beast's flesh you have eaten?" *^^ Yea/* he said, 'Ί 
know, and all that the king does is pleasing to me/' 
With that answer he took the rest of the flesh and 
went to his house, purposing then_, as I suppose, to 
collect and bury all. 

120. Thus did Astyages punish Harpagus. But, 
to aid him to resolve about Cyrus, he called to him 
the same Magians who had interpreted his dream 
as I have said : and when they came Astyages asked 
them how they had interpreted his vision. They 
answered as before, and said that the boy must have 
been made king had he lived and not died first. 
Then said Astyages, "The boy is saved and alive, 
and when he was living in the country the boys ot 
his village made him king, and he did duly all that 
is done by true kings : for he assigned to each 
severally the places of bodyguards and sentinels and 
messengers and all else, and so ruled. And to what, 
think you, does this tend ? " " If the boy is alive," 
said the Magians, '^and has been made king 
without forekno\vledge, then fear not for aught that 
he can do but keep a good heart: he will not be 
made king a second time. ΚηοΛν that even in our 
prophecies it is often but a small thing that has been 
foretold, and the perfect fulfilment of the dream is 
but a trifling matter." "I too, ye Magians," said 
Astyages, '' am much of your mind — that the dream 
came true when the boy was called king, and that I 

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εκεί πάτερα τ€ και μητέρα ενρησεις ου κατά 
Μιτρα^άτην τε τον βονκόΧον καϊ την γυναίκα 

122. Ύαύτα εϊπας 6 ^Αστυά-γης αποπέμπει τον 
Κ,ύρον, νοστήσαντα 8ε μιν ες τον Καμβύσεω τα 
οικία εΖεξαντο οί ^γεινάμενοι, καϊ ^εξάμενοι ώς 
επύθοντο, με'γάΧως άσπάζοντο οΙα 8η επισταμένοι 
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περι^ενοιτο, ο Βε σφι eXe^e, φας προ τού μεν ουκ 


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BOOK Ι. I20-I22 

have no more to fear from him. Nevertheless 
consider well and advise me what shall be safest 
both for my house and for you." The Magians 
said, '^ King, we too are much concerned that your 
sovereignty should stand : for in the other case it 
goes away from your nation to this boy who is a 
Persian, and so we Medes are enslaved and deemed 
of no account by the Persians, being as we are of 
another blood, but while you are established king, 
who are our countryman, we have our share of power, 
and great honour is paid us by you. Thus, then, it 
behoves us by all means to take thought for you and 
your sovereignty. And at the present time if we 
saw any danger we would declare all to you : but 
now the dream has had but a trifling end, and we 
ourselves have confidence and counsel you to be 
like-minded. As for this boy, send him away from 
your sight to the Persians and to his parents." 

121. Hearing this, Astyages was glad, and calling 
Cyrus, ^' My lad," he said, '' I did you wrong by 
reason of the vision I had in a dream, that meant 
naught, but by your own destiny you still live ; now 
therefore, get you to the Persians, and good luck go 
Avith you ; ί will send those that shall guide you. 
When you are there you shall find a father and mother 
of other estate than Mitradates the cowherd and his 

122. So said Astyages and sent Cyrus away. 
When he returned to Cambyses' house, his parents 
received him there, and learning who he was they 
welcomed him heartily, for they had supposed that 
long ago he had straightway been killed, and they 
asked him how his life had been saved. Then he 
told them, and said that till now he had known 


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elSivai αλλ* ήμαρτηκίναυ ττΧεΐστον, κατ όδόν δβ 
ττνθβσθαι πτασαν την ίωυτον ττάθην* βπίστασθαι 
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ΊταΙς^ κατββαΧον φάτιν ως ίκκειμβνον Κ,ΰρον κύων 

123, ^Κνθβΰτεν μεν η φάτις αύτη κβ'χ^ώρηκβ, 
Κνρω Se άνΒρβυμένω καΐ βόντι των ήΧίκων άνΒρηιο- 
τατω καΐ ττροσφιΧεστάτω ττροσβκβιτο ό " Κρττα^ος 
Βώρα πέμπων, τίσασθαι ^ Αστυά^εα επιθυμιών 
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φόμενον εποιεετο σύμμα'χον, τας πάθας τας Κν/ίου 
TTJai εωυτοΰ ομοιούμενος, προ δ' ετι τούτου τάδε 
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τους M.ήSoυςy συμμLσyωv ενί εκάστίο ό '' Aρπayoς 
των πρώτων Μ^ίδων άνεπειΘε ώς γ^ρη Κυρον προ- 
στησαμενους Aστυayea παϋσαι της βασιΧηίης, 
κaτεpyaσμεvoυ Βε οι τούτου καΐ εόντος ετοίμου, 
ούτω Βη τω Κύρω Βιαιτωμενω εν Τ[έρστ]σι βουΧό- 
μένος '' Apπayoς ΒηΧωσαι την εωυτοΰ yvώμηv 
αΧΧως μεν ούΒαμως εΙ•χε άτε των οΒων φυΧασσο- 
μενεων, ο Βε επιτε'χνάται τοιόνΒε* Xayov μηγ^ανη- 
σάμενος, καΐ άνασ'χίσας τούτου την yaaTkpa καΐ 
ούΒεν άποτίΧας, ώς Βε είχε ούτω εσεθηκβ βυβΧίον, 
ypίί^^raς τά οι ΙΒόκεε• άπορράψας Βε του XayoO 
την yaaTepa, και Βίκτνα Βούς ατε θηρευτή των 

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BOOK Ι. 122-123 

nothing but been greatly deceived, but that on the 
way he had heard all the story of his misfortune ; 
for he had thought, he said, that Astyages' cowherd 
was his father, but in his journey from the -city his 
escort had told him all the tale. And he had been 
reared, he said, by the cowherd's wife, and he was 
full of her praises, and in his tale he was ever 
speaking of Cyno. Hearing this name, his parents 
set about a story that Cyrus when exposed was 
suckled by a bitch, thinking thereby to make the 
story of his saving seem the more marvellous to the 

123. This then was the beginning of that legend. 
But as Cyrus grew to man's estate, being the 
manliest and best loved of his peers, Harpagus 
courted him and sent him gifts, wishing to be 
avenged on Astyages; for he saw no hope of a 
private man like himself punishing Astyages, but 
as he saw Cyrus gro\ving up he sought to make him 
an ally, for he likened Cyrus' misfortune to his own. 
He had already brought matters so far that — since 
Astyages dealt harshly Avith the Medians — he 
consorted with each of the chief Medians and 
persuaded them to make Cyrus their leader and 
depose Astyages. So much being ready and done, 
Harpagus desired to make known his intent to 
Cyrus, then dwelling among the Persians ; but the 
roads were guarded, and he had no plan for sending 
a message but this — he artfully slit the belly of a 
hare, and then leaving it as it was without further 
harm he put into it a paper on which he wrote what 
he thought fit. Then he sewed up the hare's belly, 
and sent it to Persia by the trustiest of his servants, 


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οΙκ€Ύ€(ύν τω ττιστοτάτω, άπβστβΧλε e? του<ζ 
Ιίφσα?, €ντ€ίΧαμ€ΡΟς οι άττο 'γ\ώσσ7]ς Βι^όντα 
τον Xayov Κιίρω βττβιττβΐν αντο'χβιρίΎ) μιν hiiKelv 
καΐ μη^ίνα οΐ ταύτα ττοιβυντι τταρβΐναί. 

124. Ύαΰτά τβ 8η ων έπιτεΧάα iyiveTO καΐ 6 
Κ.ϋρο<; τταραΧαβων τον Xayov άνβσχ^ισβ* βυρων 
δε ev αυτω το βυβΧίον evehv Χαβων eireXeyeTOt τα 
he y ράμματα eXeye τάΒβ. "^Γί παΐ Καμβύσβω, 
(xk yap θβοί βττορωσΐ' ου yap αν κοτ€ e? τοσούτο 
τύχης άττίκεν συ νυν ^Aστυάyea τον σβωυτου 
φονβα τΐσαι, κατά μεν yap την τούτου ττροθυμίιιν 
τεθνηκας, το δέ κατά θεούς τε καΐ εμε ττερίεις* τα 
σε καΐ ττάΧαι Βοκεω ττάντα εκμεμαθηκεναι, σεο τ€ 
αυτοί) ττερι ώ? εττρήχθη, και οϊα 6γώ νιτο Κστυά- 
yεo<ζ ττετΓονθα, οτι σε ουκ άττεκτεινα άΧΧα ε8ωκα 
τω βουκόΧω. σύ νυν, ην βούΧτ) εμοί πείθεσθαι, 
της ττερ ^ Αστυ ay ης άρχει χώρης, ταύτης άιτάσης 
αρξεις, ΐΐέρσας yap άναπείσας αττίστασθαι στρα- 
τηΧάτεε εττΐ Μτ^δοι/?• καΐ ην τε βγω ύττο Άστι^ά- 
yεoς άττοΒεχθέω στpaτηyoς αντία σευ, εστί τοι τα 
σύ βούΧεαι, ην τε των τις Βοκίμων άΧΧος Μτ^δωζ^• 
ττρώτοι yap ούτοι άττοστάντες άπ εκείνου καΐ 
yεvόμεvoι προς σεο ^Aστυάyεa καταιρεειν ττειρή- 
σονται. ώς ων ετοίμου του yε ενθά^ε εόντος, ττοίεε 
ταύτα και ττοιεε κατά τάχος.^ 

125. ^Ακουσας ταύτα ο Υ^υρος εφρόντιζε οτεω 
τροττω σοφωτατω ΤΙερσας άναττεισει άττιστασθαι, 
φροντίζων δέ ευρίσκεται ταύτα καιριώτατα εΙναί' 
ετΓοίεε Βη ταύτα, ypά^lraς ες βυβΧίον τα εβούΧετο, 
άχίην τώνΐίερσεων εττοίησατο, μετά 8ε άνατττύξας 
το βυβΧίον και ε^τιXεyoμεvoς εφη ^ Kστυάyεά μιν 
στρaτηyov ΤΙερσέων άττοΒεικνύναι. *' Νυν τε,^^ εφη 


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BOOK I. 123-125 

giving him nets to carry as if he were a huntsman. 
The messenger was charged to give Cyrus the hare 
and bid him by word of mouth cut it open with his 
own handsj none other being present. 

124. All this was done. Cyrus took the hare and 
slit it and read the paper Λvhich was in it; the writing 
was as follows: '^Son of Cambyses, seeing that the 
gods watch over you (for else you had not so pros- 
pered) do you ηοΛν avenge yourself on Astyages^ 
your murderer ; for according to his intent you are 
dead; it is by the gods' doings and mine, that you 
live. Methinks you have long ago heard the story of 
what was done concerning yourself and how Astyages 
entreated me because I slew you not but gave you to 
the cowherd. If then you will be counselled by me, 
you shall rule all the country Avhich is now ruled by 
Astyages. Persuade the Persians to rebel, and lead 
their army against the Medes ; then you have your 
desire, whether I be appointed to command the army 
against you or some other notable man among the 
Medians ; for they will of themselves revolt from 
Astyages and join you and endeavour to pull him down. 
Seeing then that all here is ready, do as I say and do 
it quickly." 

125. When Cyrus heard this, he considered how 
most cunningly he might persuade the Persians to 
revolt; and this he thought most apt to the occasion, 
and this he did : writing what he would on a paper, 
he gathered an assembly of the Persians, and then un- 
folded the paper and declared that therein Astyages 
appointed him leader of the Persian armies. " Now," 


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λεγωι;, *' ώ ΤΙβρσαί, ττροα^ορβύω ύμΐν τταρβΐναί 
efcaarov βχοντα hpeiTavovJ 1ίϋρο<ί μ€ν ταύτα 
TTpoijyopevae. βστί δε ΐίβρσβων συχνά ykvea, και 
τα μεν αυτών 6 ΚΟρο•? σνναΧίσβ και aveiretae 
αττίστασθαί αττο ΉίηΖων, βστι δβ τάδε, εξ ων 
ώΧλοι τΓίίντβς άρτβαται ΐίερσαι, UaaapydSai 
Μαράφιοι ΜάστΓίοι. τούτων TLaaapyaSai είσΐ 
άριστοι^ ev τοίσι καΐ ΑχαιμενιΒαι είσΐ φρήτρη, 
ένθεν οι βασιΚεε^ οΐ ΤΙερσεΐΒαι ^εηόνασι. άΧΧοι 
δε ΐίερσαι είσΐ οΓδε, ΐΙανθιαΧαΐοι Αηρουσιαΐοι 
Γερμάνιοι, ούτοι μεν ττάντε^; άροτήρε<; είσί^ οί δε 
αΧΧοι νομάΒε^, Αάοι Μ,άρΒοι ΑροττικοΙ SayapTioi. 
126. Ώ? δε τταρήσαν άπαντες έχοντες το -προ- 
ειρημένον, ενθαΰτα 6 Κύρος , ην yap τις χώρος της 
Υίερσικής άκανθώΒης όσον τε εττΐ οκτωκαίΕεκα 
σταΖίους η εϊκοσι ττάντγ, τοΰτόν σφι τον χώρον 
ττροείττε εξημερώσαι εν ημερτ), εττιτεΧεσάντων δε 
τών ΥΙερσεων τον ττροκειμενον άεθΧον, 8εύτερά 
σφι ττροείττε ες την ύστερα ιην τταρειναι ΧεΧου- 
μενους. εν Βε τούτω τά τε αιττόΧια καΐ τας 
ΤΓοίμνας καΐ τα βουκόΧια 6 Κΰρος ττάντα του 
ττατρος συναΧίσας ες τώυτο εθυσε καΐ τταρεσκεύ- 
αζε ως Βεξό μένος τον ΤΙερσέων στρατόν, ττρος Βε 
οϊνω τε καΐ σιτίοισι ως εττιτηΒεοτάτοισι. αττικο- 
μενους δε τη υστεραίη τους ΤΙερσας κατακΧίνας ες 
Χειμώνα εύώχεε. εττείτε Βε άττο Βείττνου ήσαν, 
εϊρετο σφέας 6 Κύρος κότερα τα τη ττροτεραίη 
είχον ή τα τταρεόντα σφι εϊη αίρετώτερα. οι δε 
εφασαν ττοΧΧον είναι αυτών το μέσον την μεν 
yap ττροτερην ημερι^ν ττάντα σφι κακά εχειν, την 
Βε τότε τταρεουσαν ττάντα ayaQa. τταραΧαβών Βε 
τούτο το εττος 6 Κύρος ττapεyύμvoυ τον ττάντα 

τ 64 

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BOOK I. 125-126 

said he in his speech, '' I bid you all, men of Persia, 
to come each of you with a sickle." (There are many 
tribes in Persia : those of them whom Cyrus assembled 
and persuaded to revolt from the Medes were the 
Pasargadae^ the Maraphii, and the Maspii. On these 
hang all the other Persians. The chief tribe is that 
of the Pasargadae ; to them belongs the clan of the 
Achaemenidae, the royal house of Persia. The other 
Persian tribes are the Panthialaei, the Derusiaei, and 
the Germanii, all tillers of the soil^ and the Dai, 
the Mardi, the Dropici, the Sagartii, all wandering 

126. So when they all came with sickles as com- 
manded, Cyrus bade them clear and make service- 
able in one day a certain thorny tract of Persia, 
of eighteen or twenty furlongs each way in ex- 
tent. The Persians accomplished the appointed 
task ; Cyrus then commanded them to wash them- 
selves and come on the next day ; and mean- 
while, gathering together his father's goats and 
sheep and oxen in one place, he slew and prepared 
them as a feast for the Persian host, providing 
also wine and all foods that were most suitable. 
When the Persians came on the next day he made 
them sit and feast in a meadow. After dinner he 
asked them which pleased them best, their task of 
yesterday or their present state. They answered 
that the difference was great : all yesterday they 
had had nought but evil, to-day nought but good. 
Then taking their word from their mouths Cyrus laid 

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\6<yov, \ί^ων ""Αϊ^δρβς Hi ρ σαι, οντω νμϊν βχει, 
βονΧομίνοισι μβν έμβο τΓβιθεσθαι ean raSe τ€ 
καΐ αΧ\α μνρία ayaOajOvBiva ττόνον ΖουΧοπρεττία 
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νμϊν τγΟροι τω χθιζω τταραττΧησιοι αναρίθμητοι, 
νυν ων €μ€0 ιτειΘόμενοί yiveaOe iXevOepoi, αυτός 
τ€ yap Βοκ€ω θβίτ) τύ'χτ} yeyovco^ τάΒε e? 'χείρας 
ayeadai, κα\ υμίας ήyημaL ανΒρας Μ.ήΒων είναι 
ου φανΧοτερους ούτε τάΧλα ούτε τα ττοΧεμια. ώς 
ων εχόντων ώΒε, άττίστασθε άττ ^ Kστυάyeoς την 

127. ΙΙερσαι μεν νυν πτροστάτεω εττιΚαβόμενοι 
άσμενοι εΧευθερονντο, και ττάλαι Βεινον ποιεύ- 
μενοι ύτΓΟ ^ΙηΒων αρχεσθαι. ^Aστυάyης Βε ώς 
εττύθετο Κ.ϋρον ταύτα ττρησσοντα, ττεμψας ay- 
yε\()V εκάΧεε αυτόν. 6 Be Κ^ΰρος εκεΧευε τον 
ayyeXov airayykXKeiv οτι ττρότερον ήξοι τταρ 
εκείνον η ^ Kστυάyης αύτος βουΧησεται, άκουσας 
Βε ταύτα ό ^ Aστυάyης ΜηΒους τε ώττΧισε ττάντας, 
και στpaτηyov αυτών ώστε θεοβΧαβης εων "Αρ- 
irayov άπεΒεςε^ Χηθην ττοιεύμενος τά μιν iόpyεε. 
ώς Βε οΐ ΉΙηΒοι στρατευσάμενοι τοίσι Τ1ερστ)σι 
συvέμισyov, όΊ μεν τίνες αυτών εμάχοντο, όσοι μη 
του Xoyov μετεσχον, οι Βε αύτομόΧεον ττρος τους 
ΥΙερσας, οι Βε ττΧεΙστοι εθεΧοκάκεόν τε καΐ 

128. ΑιαΧυθεντος Βε του ^ηΒικοΰ .στρατεύ- 
ματος αισχρώς, ώς εττύθετο τάχιστα ο Αστυά7^9> 
εφη άττειΧεων τω }ζ.ύρω "ΆλΧ* ούΒ^ ως Κΰρός ye 
χαιρησει.*' το σ αυτά εϊττας ττρωτον μΙν των y[άyωv 
τους όνειροποΧους, οι μιν ανέγνωσαν μετεΐναι τον 
Κΰρον, τούτους άνεσκοΧόττισε, μετά Βε ωττΧισε 

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BOOK I. 126-128 

bare all his purpose, and said : " This is your casej 
men of Persia : obey me and you shall have these 
good things and ten thousand others besides with no 
toil and slavery ; but if you Λνίΐΐ not obey me you 
w^ill have labours unnumbered, like to your toil of 
yesterday. Now, therefore, do as I bid you, and 
win your freedom. For I think that I myself was 
born by a marvellous providence to take this Avork 
in hand ; and I deem you full as good men as 
the Medes in war and in all else. All this is 
true ; wherefore now revolt from Astyages with all 
speed ! " 

127. The Persians had long been ill content that 
the Medes should rule them, and now having got 
them a champion they \vere glad to win their freedom. 
But >vhen Astyages heard that Cyrus was at this busi- 
ness, he sent a messenger to summon him ; Cyrus bade 
the messenger bring back Avord that Astyages would 
see him sooner than he desired. Hearing this, 
Astyages armed all his Medians, and was so infatu- 
ated that he forgot what he had done to Harpagus, 
and appointed him to command the army. So no 
sooner had the Medes marched out and joined battle 
with the Persians than some of them deserted to the 
enemy, but most of them of set purpose played the 
coward and fled ; those only fought \vho had not 
shared Harpagus' counsels. 

128. Thus the Median army was foully scattered. 
Astyages, hearing this, sent a threatening message 
to Cyrus, "that even so he should not go un- 
punished"; and with that he took the Magians who 
interpreted dreams and had persuaded him to let 
Cyrus go free, and impaled them ; then he armed 


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του^ υττόλείφθέρΎα^ iv τω αστβΐ των Μτ^δωτ', 
viov^ Τ6 και πρβσβύτας άνδρας. eξayayωv he 
τούτον<; και σνμβαΧων τοΐσι ΪΙβρ-ρσί €σσώΘη, κάϊ 
αντό'ζ τ€ Άστι/άγτ^ς εζω^ρηθη και τους i^tiyaye 
των Μϊ/δωι/ aire^aXe. 

129. Έόντι Se αΙχμαΧώτω τω Άστυάγβϊ ττροσ- 
στάς ό 'Άρτταγο? κατβχαιρβ τε καΐ κατβκερτόμεε, 
κ αϊ αΧλα \€yωv ες αύτον Ov^aXyia eirea, καϊ δ?) 
καΧ βϊρετό μιν ττρος το εωυτον Βεΐττνον, τό μιν 
βκβΐνος σαρζϊ του τταώος εθοίνησβ^ 6 τι εϊη ή 
βκβίνον 8ονΧοσύνη άντΙ της βασιΧηίης, ο 3e μιν 
ττροσιΕών άντευρετο ει εωυτοΰ ττοιεεται το ^υρου 
'ipyov, "Αρτταγο? δβ βφϊ/, αύτος yap ypa-^at, το 
7Γpήyμa εωυτον Srj δικαίως είναι. ^Aστυάyης Si 
μιν άττεφαινε τω λόγω σκαιότατόν τε και άΒικώ- 
τατον εόντα ττάντων άνθρώττων, σκαιότατόν μεν 
yε, εΐ τταρεον αύτω βασιΧεα yεvεσθaί, εΐ Srj δί' 
εωυτον yε εττρηχθη τα τταρεόντα, άΧΧω ττεριεθηκε 
το κράτος, ά^ικώτατον Βε, οτι του Βείττνου είνεκεν 
Μ?;δοι;9 κατε^ούΧωσε, εΐ yap δτ) δ^Γι^ πάντως 
ττεριθεΐναι άΧΧω τεω την βασιΧηίην καϊ μη αύτον 
εχειν, Βίκαιότερον είναι ^ίη^ων τεω ττεριβαΧεΐν 
τούτο το ayaOov ή ΐίερσεων. νυν Βε ΜήΒους μεν 
αναίτιους τούτου εόντας ΒούΧους άντΙ Βεσττοτεων 
yεyovέvaly ΐίερσας Βε ΒούΧους εόντας το πρ]ν 
^ΙηΒων νυν yεyovεvaι Βεσττότας, 

130. ^ Aστυάyης μεν νυν βασιΧεύσας eV ετεα 
πέντε καϊ τριήκοντα ούτω της βασϊΧηίης κατε- 
τταύσθη, ΜήΒοι Βε ύττεκυψαν ΐίερσ-ρσι Βια την 
τούτου ττικρότητα, άρξαντες της άνω '^ΑΧυος 
ΤΓοταμου ^Ασίης εττ ετεα τριήκοντα καΐ εκατόν 
Βνών Βεοντα, ττάρεξ ή όσον οι Χκύθαι ηρχον. 

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BOOK Ι. ΐ2δ-ΐ3ο 

the Medes who were left in the city^ the youths and 
old men. Leading these out^ and encountering the 
Persians, he was worsted : Astyages himself was 
taken prisoner, and lost the Median army which 
he led. 

129. He being then a captive, Harpagus came and 
exulted over him and taunted him, and with much 
other bitter mockery he brought to mind his banquet, 
Λvhen Astyages had fed Harpagus on his son's flesh, 
and asked Astyages what it was to be a slave after 
having been a king. Fixing his gaze on Harpagus, 
Astyages asked, " Think you that this, which Cyrus 
has done, is your Avork ? " " It was I," said the other, 
"who wrote the letter; the accomplishment of the 
work is justly mine." "Then," said Astyages, "you 
stand confessed the most foolish and most unjust 
man on earth ; most foolish, in giving another tlie 
throne which you might have had for yourself, if the 
present business be indeed your doing ; most unjust, 
in enslaving the Medes by reason of that banquet. 
For if at all hazards another and not yourself must 
possess the royal poAver, then in justice some Mede 
should enjoy it, not a Persian : but now you have 
made the Medes, who did you no harm, slaves instead 
of masters and the Persians, who were the slaves, are 
now the masters of the Medes." 

130. Thus Astyages was deposed from his sove- 
reignty after a reign of thirty-five years : and the 
Medians were made to bow down before the Per- 
sians by reason of Astyages' cruelty. They had 
ruled all Asia beyond the Halys for one hundred 
and twenty-eight years,^ from which must be taken 
the time when the Scythians held sway. At a later 

1 687 to 559 B.C. The Scythians ruled 634-606 B.C. 


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υστίρω μίντοι γβόνψ μ,€Τ€μ.έΚησ€. τι σφι ταύτα 
ΤΓΟιησασι καΧ άπέστησαν άπο Aapeiov, άττοστάν- 
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Οί/τω δή Κί}/309 ηενόμενός Τ6 καϊ τραφείς ίβα- 
σίΧβνσε καΧ Κροΐσορ ύστερον τούτων άρξαντα 
άΒικίης κατεστρέψατο^ ώς είρηταί μοί ττρότερον, 
τούτον δε καταστρεψάμενος οΰτω ττάσης της 
*Ασ[ης ηρξε* 

131. ΐίερσας δε olSa νόμοισι τοιοΐσιΒε χρεω- 
μένους, α^αΚματα μεν καϊ νηούς καΧ βωμούς ουκ εν 
νομω τΓΟίευμένους ΙΒρύεσθαυ, άΧλα καΧ τοΐσί 
ττοιεύσι μωρίην εττίφερουσι, ώς μεν εμοΧ Βοκεειν, 
ΟΤΙ ουκ άνθρωτΓοφυεας ενόμισαν τους Θεούς κατά 
ττερ οΐ '^ΈΧΚηνες είναι* όΊ δε νομίζουσι ΔίΙ μεν 
εττΧ τλ ύψηΧότατα των ορέων άναβαίνοντες Θυσίας 
ερ8ειν, τον κύκΧον ττάντα του ουρανού Ala καΧε- 
οντες* Θύουσί δε ήΧίω τε καΧ σεΧήντ} καΧ yfj καΧ 
πυρΧ καΧ ύδατί καΧ άνεμοισι. τούτοισι μεν 8η 
Θύουσι μούνοισί άρχήΘεν, ετημεμαθηκασυ δε καΧ 
Trj Ούρανίτ) Θύειν, τταρά τε Ασσυρίων μαΘόντες 
καΧ ^Αραβίων» καΧεουσί Βε ^ Ασσύριου την Άφρο- 
Βίτην ΜύΧίττα, ^Αράβωι Βε ^ΑΧιλάτ, ΐΐέρσαι Βε 

132. %υσίη δέ τοΐσι ΙΙερσυσι ττερΧ τους είρη- 
μένους Θεούς ηΒε κατεστηκε* ούτε βωμούς ιτοιεύν- 
ται ούτε ττύρ άνακαίουσί μεΧλοντες Θύειν, ού 
στΓονΒτ] χρεωνταί, ούκΧ αυλω, ού στεμμaσty ούκΧ 
ούΧτισί' των δέ ώ9 εκάστω Θύειν Θε\τ}, ες χώρον 

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BOOK I. 130-132 

time they repented of what they now did, and re- 
belled against Darius ^ ; but they were defeated in 
battle and brought back into subjection. But now, 
in Astyages' time, Cyrus and the Persians rose in 
revolt against the Medes, and from this time ruled 
Asia. As for Astyages, Cyrus did him no further 
harm, and kept him in his ΟΛνη house till Astyages 

This is the story of the birth and upbringing of 
Cyrus, and thus he became king ; and afterΛvards, as 
I have already related, he subdued Croesus in punish- 
ment for the unprovoked wrong done him ; and after 
this victory he became sovereign of all Asia. 

131. As to the usages of the Persians, I knoAV 
them to be these. It is not their custom to make 
and set up statues and temples and altars, but those 
who make such they deem foolish, as I suppose, be- 
cause they never believed the gods, as do the Greeks, 
to be in the likeness of men ; but they call the Λvhole 
circle of heaven Zeus, and to him they offer sacrifice 
on the highest peaks of the mountains : they sacri- 
fice also lo the sun and moon and earth and fire and 
water and winds. These are the only gods to whom 
they have ever sacrificed from the beginning ; they 
have learnt later, to sacrifice to the ^^ heavenly " ^ 
Aphrodite, from the Assyrians and Arabians. She is 
called by the Assyrians Mylitta, by the Arabians 
Alilat, by the Persians Mitra. 

132. And this is their fashion of sacrifice to the 
aforesaid gods: when about to sacrifice they neither 
build altars nor kindle fire, they use no libations, nor 
music, nor fillets, nor barley meal ; but to whomso- 
ever of the gods a man will sacrifice, he leads the 

^ In 520 B.C. ; the event is recorded in a cuneiform in- 
scription. ^ See note on ch, 105. 

VOL. I. G ' 

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καθαρον αηα^ων ίο κτήνος KoXeet τον θεόν, iare- 
φανωμίνος τον τίάραν μυρσίντ] μάλιστα, ίωντω 
μβν ^η τω θύοντι IBirj μούνω ου οΐ iyyiveTUi άρά- 
σθαι α^αθά, ο δέ τοίσι ιτασι Uepayai κατ€ν)(^εταί 
ev ylveaOat και τω βασιΚίΐ' iv yap 8η τοϊσι 
αττασί UeparjaL καΐ αύτο^ yiveTat, eireav he Sta- 
μιστνΧας κατά μβΧεα το Ιρήυον βψήστ] τα κρία, 
ντΓΟΊτάσας ττοιην ώ? άτταλωτάτην, μάλιστα δέ το 
τρίφυΧλον, εττΐ ταύτης βθηκε ων πάντα τα κ pea, 
Βίαθέντο^ζ Be αυτού Μαγο9 άνηρ τταρεστεώ? 
eTTaeiSeL θ€oyovLηv, οΐην 8η εκείνοι \eyovσc elvat 
την eiraoihrjV' άνευ yap 8η Μάγου ου σφι νόμος 
εστί θυσίας ττοιέεσθαι. ειτίσ'χων 8e oXlyov 'χ^ρόνον 
ά7Γθφ€ρεται ο θνσας τα κρέα καΐ 'χραται 6 τι μιν 
λόγο? alpeei, 

133. *Ημέρην Be άττασεων μάλιστα εκ€ΐνην 
τιμάν νομίζουσι ttj έκαστος eyeveTO. iv ταύττ} Be 
Ίτλεω ΒαΙτα των άΧλεων Βικαιεΰσι προτίθεσθαι• 
iv TTJ οΐ εύΒαίμονες αυτών βοΰν καΐ ϊτττΓον καΐ 
κάμηΧον και ονον ττροτιθεαται όλους οτττούς ev 
καμίνοισι, οι Be ττίνητες αυτών τα Χετττα των 
ττροβάτων ττροτιθεαται. σίτοισι Be oXίyoισι 
'χρεωνται^ i'πιφopημaσι Be ποΧΧοΐσι καΐ ουκ άλεσΐ' 
καΐ Βια τούτο φασί ΤΙερσαι τους 'ΈΧΧηνας σιτεο- 
μενους ττεινώντας παύεσθαι, οτι σφι άττο Βείττνου 
τταραφορεεται ούΒβν Xoyov άξιον εΐ Βέ τι τταρα- 
φεροιτο, iσθίovτaς αν ου τταύεσθαι, οϊνω Be κάρτα 
ττροσκεαται, και σφι ουκ iμeσaι εζεστι, ούκΐ 
ούρησαι άντίον αΧΧου, ταύτα μεν νυν ούτω 
φυλάσσεται^ μεθυσκόμενοι Βε iώθaσι βουλεύεσθαι 
τα στΓουΒαιεστατα τών 7Γpηyμάτωv' το S* αν άΒτ} 
σφι βουλευομενοισι, τούτο ττ) ύστεραιτ} νηφουσι 

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BOOK I. 132-133 

beast to an open space and then calls on the god, 
himself wearing a wreath on his cap, of myrtle for 
choice. To pray for blessings for himself alone is 
not lawful for the sacrificer ; rather he prays that it 
may be well with the king and all the Persians ; for 
he reckons himself among them. He then cuts the 
victim limb from limb into portions, and having 
boiled the flesh spreads the softest grass, trefoil by 
choice, and places all of it on this. When he has 
so disposed it a Magian comes near and chants over 
it the song of the birth of the gods, as the Persian 
tradition relates it ; for no sacrifice can be offered 
without a Magian. Then after a little while the 
sacrificer carries away the flesh and uses it as he 

133. The day which every man most honours is 
his own birthday. On this he thinks it right to 
serve a more abundant meal than on other days ; 
before the rich are set oxen or horses or camels 
or asses, roasted Λvhole in ovens ; tlie poorer serve 
up the lesser kinds of cattle. Their courses are 
few, the dainties that follow are many and not 
all served together. This is Λvhy the Persians say 
of the Greeks, that they rise from table still hungry, 
because not much dessert is set before them : were 
this too given to the Greek (say the Persians) 
he would never cease eating. They are greatly 
given to wine ; none may vomit or make Avater in 
another's presence. This then is prohibited among 
them. Moreover it is their custom to deliberate 
about the gravest matters when they are drunk ; 
and what they approve in their counsels is proposed 
to them the next day by the master of the house 
where they deliberate, when they are now sober 


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ττροτίθβΐ 6 στ€<γαρχο^, ev τον αν έοντβς βονΧβύων- 
rat, καΐ ην μβν aSrj καΐ νηφουσί, γ^ρεωνται αύτω, 
ην Se μη aSrjy μβτίβΐσί. τα δ' αν νήφοντβς Ίτρο- 
βονΧεύσωνται, μεθυσκόμενοι ετη^ία^ινώσκουσι, 

134. ^Έιντν^χάνοντ€^ δ' άΧΧήΧοισί iv rfjai 
οΒοΐσί, τωδβ αν τι<ζ ^ια'^νοίη el όμοιοι βίσΐ οΐ συν- 
τν^χάνοντβ^' άντΙ ιγαρ τον vrpoaayopeveiv αλλι;- 
λου9 φΐΚίονσι τοΐσι στόμασί' ην δέ τ; οντ€ρο<ζ 
νττοΒβεστερος ολ/γω, τας ττηρεια^ φιλεονταΐ' ήν 
he ποΧλω y οντερος ayevveaT€po<;, προσττίτττων 
TTpoafcvveei τον eTepov, τιμωσι δβ eK ττάντων τον<; 
αηχιστα ίωντων οΙκίοντα<; μετά ye εωντονς, 
hevTepa he τον^ hevTepov^' μετά he κατά \6yov 
ττρο βαίνοντες τιμωσΐ' ήκιστα he του? εωντων 
εκαστάτω οίκημένονς εν τιμτι ayovTai, νομίζοντες 
βωυτού? εΙναί άνθ ρώττων μακρω τα ιτάντα αρίσ- 
Tov^t του? he άΧλονς κατά Xoyov^ της αρετής 
άντεγεσθαι, τους hi εκαστάτω οίκεοντας άττο 
εωντών κακίστονς είναι. eir\ he ^lηhωv αρχόν- 
των καΐ ηρχε τα εθνεα άΧληΧων, σνναττάντων 
μεν Μ^δθ6 κα\ των ayxiGTa οίκεόντων σφισι, 
ούτοι he και των όμονρων, οΐ he μάλα των εχο- 
μένων, κατά τον αντον hrj \6yov καΐ οι ΐίερσαι 
τιμώσΐ' ττροεβαινε yap hrj το έθνος άρχον τε καΐ 

135. Άεινικα he νόμαια ΐΙέρσαι ττροσίενται 
avhpoyv μάΧιστα. καϊ yap hrj την Mηhικηv εσθήτα 
νομίσαντες της εωντών είναι καΧΧίω φορίονσι, 
καϊ ες τους ττοΧεμους τους KlyυΊΓτlovς Θώρηκας' 
καϊ εύτταθειας τε 7Γavτohaπάς ττννθανόμενοι έττί- 

* κατά \oyov [τφ λζΎομίί'ψ} Stein. 


Digitized by l\/licrosoft® 

BOOK I. 133-135 

and if being sober they still approve it, they act 
thereon^ but if not, they cast it aside. And when 
they have taken counsel about a matter when sober^ 
they decide upon it Λvhen they are drunk. 

134. When one man meets another in the way, it 
is easy to see if the two are equals ; for then with- 
out speaking they kiss each other on the lips ; if the 
difference in rank be but little, it is the cheek that is 
kissed ; if it be great, the humbler bows down and 
does obeisance to the other. They honour most of 
all those who dwell nearest them, next those who 
are next farthest removed, and so going ever on\vards 
they assign honour by this rule ; those who d\vell far- 
thest off they hold least honourable of all ; for they 
deem themselves to be in all regards by far the best of 
all men, the rest to have but a proportionate claim to 
merit, till those who dΛvell farthest away have least 
merit of all. Under the rule of the Medes one tribe 
would even govern another; the Medes held sway 
over all alike and specially over those who dwelt 
nearest to themselves ; these ruled their neighbours, 
and the neighbours again those who came next to 
them, on the same plan whereby the Persians assign 
honour; for according as the Median nation ad- 
vanced its dominion farther from home, such was the 
measure of its rule and suzerainty.^ 

135. But of all men the Persians most welcome 
foreign customs. They wear the Median dress, 
deeming it more beautiful than their own, and the 
Egyptian cuirass in \var. Their luxurious practices 

* This appears to meaa, that the farther oflf a subject 
nation is, the less direct is the control exercised by the 
Medes ; on the same principle as that which makes the 
Persians hold their subjects in less and less estimation in 
proportion to their distance from the seat of empire. 

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ryjhevovGLy καΐ Βη καϊ απ ^ΕΧληνων μαθόΐ'Τβς 
τταίσΐ μίσyovτaL. ^γαμβονσι Se έκαστος αυτών 
ττοΧΚάς μβν κονριΒίας γυναίκας, ττοΧλω δ' ere 
ττΧβυνας τταΧΚακας κτώνταί. 

136. ^Αν8ρα^αθίη Se αύτη άττοΒβΒεκταί, μετατο 
μάγεσθαί elvai αηαθον, ος αν ττοΧλούς άττοΒίξγ] 
τταΐΒα'ζ' τω Be τους ττΧείστους άττοΒακνύντι Βώρα 
βκτΓβμττβί βασιλεύς άρα ττάν έτος. το ττοΧλον δ' 
ή^εαται Ισχυρον είναι. τταιΒεύουσι Βε τους τταϊΒας 
άττο ττενταετεος άρξάμενοι μέχρι είκοσαετεος τρία 
μοΰνα^ ίτητευειν και τοξευειν καϊ αΧηθίζεσθαι, 
ττρίν Βε η ττενταετης yiv7]Taiy ουκ άττικνεεται ες 
o-yjriv τω ττατρι^ άΧλα τταρα τ^σι γυναιξί Βίαιταν 
έχει. τουΒε Βε είνεκα τούτο ούτω ττοιεεται, Ίνα ην 
άττοθάνγ τρεφόμενος, μηΒεμίαν ασην τω ττατρί 

137. Κίνεω μεν νυν τόνΒε τον νόμον, αΐνεω Βε 
καϊ τόνΒε, το μη μιης αΐτίης είνεκα μήτε αύτον 
τον βασιλέα μηΒένα φονεύειν, μήτε των άλλων 
Τίερσέων μηΒένα των έωυτον οίκετέων εττϊ μιτ] 
αΐτίτ) ανηκεστον πάθος ερΒειν άλλα λο^ισάμενος 
ην ενρισκΎ) πλέω τε καϊ μέζω τά άΒικήματα εόντα 
των ύπουρΎημάτων, οΰτω τω Θυμω χράται. άπο- 
κτεΐναι Βε ούΒενα κω λέ^ουσι τον έωυτοΰ πατέρα 
ούΒέ μητέρα, άλλα οκόσα ηΒη τοιαύτα Ι^ένετο, 
πάσαν ανάγκην φασϊ άναζητεόμενα ταύτα άνευρε- 
Θηναι ήτοι υποβολιμαία εόντα η μοιχιΒια' ου yap 
Βη φασι οίκος είναι τόν yε άληθέως τοκέα ύπο του 
εωυτού παιΒος άποθνήσκειν, 

138. 'Άσσα Βέ σφι ποιέειν ουκ εξεστι, ταύτα 
ούΒέ λέyειv εξεστι. αϊσχιστον Βέ αύτοΐσι το ψεύ- 
Βεσθαι νενόμισται, Βεύτερα Βέ το όφείλειν χρέος, 

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BOOK I. 135-138 

are of all kinds, and all borroAved ; the Greeks 
taught them unnatural vices. Every Persian marries 
many lawful wives, and keeps still more concubines. 

136. After valour in battle it is most reckoned as 
manly merit to show the greatest number of sons: the 
king sends gifts yearly to him who can show most. 
Numbers, they hold, are strength. They educate 
their boys from five to twenty years old, and teach 
them three things only, riding and archery and truth- 
telling. A boy is not seen by his father before he is 
five years old, but lives with the women : the reason 
of this is that, if the boy should die in the time of 
his rearing, the father may suffer no dolour. 

137. This is a law which I praise; and it is a 
praiseworthy law too which suffers not the king 
himself to slay any man for one offence, nor any 
other Persian for one offence to do incurable hurt to 
one of his servants. Not till reckoning shows that 
the offender's wrongful acts are more and greater than 
his services may a man give vent to his anger. They 
say that none has ever yet killed his father or mother; 
when suchlike deeds have been done, it cannot be 
but that on inquest made the doer is shown to be 
a child falsely substituted or born of a concubine ; 
for it is not to be believed (say they) that a son 
should kill his true parent. 

138. Moreover of what they may not do neither 
may they speak. They hold lying to be foulest 
of all and next to that debt ; for which they have 


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τΓοΧΧων μεν κσΧ αλΧων είνβκα, μάΧιστα δέ avay- 
καίην φασί είναι τον οφείΧοντα και τι ψεΰΒος 
Χέ'γειν, ο? αν 8ε των αστών Χεττρην η Χενκην 
εχτ], ες ττόΧιν οντος ου κατέρχεται ονΒε συμμίσ- 
άγεται τοΐσι αΧΧοισι Uipayar φασΙ Βε μιν ες τον 
ήΧιον άμαρτόντα τι ταύτα εχειν, ξεΐνον 8ε ττάντα 
τον Χαμβανόμενον ύττο τουτεων ττοΧΧοΙ εξεΧαύ- 
νονσι εκ της χώρης^ καϊ τας Χενκας ττεριστεράς, 
την αντην αΐτίην ετΓίφεροντες. ες ττοταμον 
8ε ούτε ενουρεουσι ούτε εμτττύουσι, ου χείρας 
ενατΓονίζονται, ον8ε αΧΧον ούΒένα ττεριορώσι, 
άΧΧα σέβονται ποταμούς μάΧιστα, 

139. Καϊ τό8ε αΧΧο σφι ώ8ε συμττετττωκε ^ίνε- 
σθαι, το ΤΙέρσας μεν αυτούς ΧέΧηθε, ήμέας μέντοι 
ού' τα ούνόματά σφι εόντα όμοια τοΐσι σώμασι 
καϊ τη με^αΧοΊτρε'πείη τεΧευτώσι ττάντα ες τωντο 
γράμμα, το Αωριέες μεν σαν καΧεουσι, "Ιωνες 8ε 
σί^μα* ες τούτο Βιζήμενος εύρησεις τεΧευτώντα 
των ΐίερσέων τα ούνόματά, ού τα μεν τα δ* ού, 
άΧΧα ττάντα ομοίως, 

140. Ύαύτα μεν άτρεκεως εχω ττερί αυτών ε18ώς 
είττεΐν τά8ε μέντοι ως κρυπτόμενα Χέζεται καϊ ού 
σαφηνέως ττερΙ του άττοθανόντος, ώς ού ττροτερον 
θάτΓτεται άν8ρ6ς ΐΐέρσεω 6 νέκυς ττρϊν αν ύττ 
όρνιθος η κυνος εΧκυσθη, Μ.ά'γους μεν <γαρ άτρε- 
κέως ο18α ταύτα ττοιέοντας' εμφανέως <yap 8η 
ττοιεύσι, κατακηρώσαντες 8ε ων τον νέκυν ΥΙέρ- 
σαι <γη κρύτττουσι. May οι 8ε κεχωρί8αται ττοΧ- 
Χον τών τ€ αΧΧων ανθρώπων καϊ τών εν Aίyύ7ττω 
Ιρέων. οΐ μεν yap άyvεύoυσι εμψυχον μη8έν κτεί- 
νειν, εΐ μη οσα θύουσι* οί 8ε 8η Mayoi αύτοχειρίη 
ττάντα ττΧην κυνος καϊ άνθρώττου κτείνουσι, καϊ 

Digitized by Microsoft® 

BOOK Ι, 138-140 

many other reasons, but this in especial, that the 
debtor must needs (so they say) speak some falsehood. 
The citizen Λvho has leprosy or the white sickness 
may not come into a town or consort with other Per- 
sians. They say that he is so afflicted because he has 
sinned in some wise against the sun. Many drive 
every stranger, \vho takes such a disease, out of the 
country; and so they do to white doves, for the 
reason aforesaid. Rivers they chiefly reverence ; 
they will neither make \vater nor spit nor wash their 
hands therein, nor suffer anyone so to do. 

139. There is another thing which always happens 
among them ; we have noted it though the Persians 
have not : their names, Avhich agree with the nature 
of their persons and their nobility, all end in the 
same letter, that which the Dorians call san,and the 
lonians sigma ; you shall find, if you search, that not 
some but all Persian names alike end in this letter. 

140. So much I can say of them of my own certain 
knowledge. But there are other matters concerning 
the dead which are secretly and obscurely told — how 
the dead bodies of Persians are not buried before 
they have been mangled by bird or dog. That this 
is the way of the Magians I know for a certainty ; 
for they do not conceal the practice. But this is cer- 
tain, that before the Persians bury the body in earth 
they embalm it in wax. These Magians are much 
unlike to the priests of Egypt, as to all other men : 
for the priests count it sacrilege to kill aught that 
lives, save what they sacrifice ; but the Magians kill 
with their own hands every creature, save only dogs 


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ά'γώνισμα μέ^α τούτο Troievvrat, kt€lvovt€<; όμοίως 
μύρμηκάς τ€ κσΧ 6φί<ζ και ταλλα εριτβτα καΐ ττε- 
τεινά. καί άμφΐ μίν τω νόμω τούτω ^γβτω ώς 
και αρ-χτ^ν βνομίσθη, ανβιμι he ίττΐ τον ττροτερον 

141. "ΙωΡ€ς Be καΐ ΑΙοΧβες, ώς οΐ A.vho\ τάχιστα 
κατβστράφατό νττο Τίερσίων, βττβμτΓον ayjeXov^; 
€9 ^άρΒις τταρα Κ^νρον, βθβΧοντβς ΙττΧ τοίσι αν- 
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δβ άκουσαν αύτων τα ττροισχοντο eXefe σφί 
\oyov, avSpa φας αύΧητην ΙΒόντα Ιχθύς ev Trj 
θαΧάσστ] avXeeiv, So/ciovTa σφίας e^eXevaeaOai 
€9 fyrjv ως he ^evaer)vaL• της ίΧττί^ος, Χαββίν 
άμφίβΧηστρον καΐ πβριβαΧβΐρ τ€ ΊτΧήθος ττοΧΧον 
των Ιχθύων καΐ €ξ€ίρύσαί, 18όντα δε τταΧΧομβνους 
eiTTelv άρα αύτον ττρος τους Ιγθύς ''ΤΙαύεσθέ μα 
ορχεομβνοί, εττβι ουο εμ€θ avXeovτoς ησβΧετε 
€κβαίν€ΐν ορχεόμενοί.^^ Κύρος μεν τούτον τον 
Xoyov τοΐσί "Ιωσι καΐ τοίσυ ΑίοΧεύσί των^β eu'e/ca 
eXefe, otl Sr] οί "Ιωνες ττρότερον αυτού Κύρου 
Βεηθέντος Si ά<y<yeXωv άττίστασθαι σφίας άττο 
Κροίσου ουκ ίττείθοντο, τ6τ€ he κατβρ^ασ μίνων 
των πpηyμάτωv ήσαν έτοιμοι ττείθεσθαι Κυρω. δ 
μεν Βη op<yfj εχόμενος εXεye σφι τάδβ* "\ωνες he 
ως ηκουσαν τούτων άνενειχθεντων ες τας ττόΧιας, 
τείχεά τε ττεριεβάΧοντο έκαστοι και συνεΧε^οντο 
ες ΥΙανιώνιον οι άΧΧοι, ττΧην ΜίΧησίων ττρος 
μούνους yap τούτους ορκιον Κύρος εττοιησατο εττ 
οίσί ττερ 6 Λυδός. τοΙσι he. Χοιποΐσι "Ιωσι εhoξε 
κοινω X6y(p πεμττειν άyyεXoυς ες ^ττάρτην hεησo- 
μενους "\ωσί τιμωρεειν. 


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BOOK I. 140-141 

and men ; they kill all alike, ants and snakes, creeping 
and flying things^ and take much pride therein. 
Leaving this custom to be such as it has been from 
the first,^ I return now to my former story. 

141. As soon as the Lydians had been subdued by 
the Persians, the lonians and Aeolians sent messen- 
gers to CyruSj offering to be his subjects on the same 
terms as those which they had under Croesus. 
Having heard what they proposed, Cyrus told them 
a story. Once, he said, there was a flute-player who 
saw fishes in the sea and played upon his flute, 
thinking that so they Λvould come out on to the land. 
Being disappointed of his hope, he took a net and 
gathered in and drew out a great multitude of the 
fishes ; and seeing them leaping, " You had best," 
said he, " cease from your dancing now ; you Avould not 
come out and dance then, when I played to you." 
I'lie reason why Cyrus told the story to the lonians 
and Aeolians was that the lonians, Avho were ready to 
obey him when the victory was Λνοη, had before 
refused when he sent a message asking them to revolt 
from Croesus. So he ansΛvered them in his anger. 
But when the message came to the lonians in their 
cities, they fortified themselves severally Λvith walls, 
and assembled in the Panionion,^ all except the 
Milesians, with whom alone Cyrus had made a treaty 
on the same terms as that Λvhich they liad with the 
Lydians. The rest of the lonians resolved to send 
envoys in the name of them all to Sparta^ to ask 
help for the lonians. 

^ Lit. "let matters stand concerning this custom as it 
was first instituted": i.e., apparently, "let us be content 
with knowing that this custom is as it has befen from its 

2 See ch. 148. 


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142. Οί δε "Ιωζ^€9 οντοι, των καΐ το Τίανιώνιον 
βστί, του μβν ουρανού και των ώριων iv τω καΧ- 
Χίστω Ιτυηγανον ΙΒρνσάμενοί ττόλίας ττάντων 
ανθρώπων των ήμβΐς ϊΒμεν ούτε yap τα άνω αυ- 
τ?)? γ^ωρία τώντο iroieei τ?) ^Υωνίγ οντ€ τα κάτω 
οΰτβ τα ττρος την ηώ οΰτε τα ττρος την ίσπβρην,^ 
τα μβν υττο τον ψυ'χ^ρον τε και v<ypov ττίεζόμενα, 
τα Be υττο τον θερμού τε κα\ ανχμώΒεος. <γ\ώσ- 
σαν Be ον την αντην οντοι νενομίκασι, άΧΚα τρό- 
Ίτονς τεσσερας τταρα^ω^εων, Ί^ΙίΧητος μεν αύτέων 
ττρώτη κεεταί ττόλί? ττρο^ μεσαμβρίην, μετά Βε 
Μνούς τε καΐ ΤΙριήνη. αύται μεν εν ττ} Καρίη 
κατοίκηνται κατά ταύτα ΒιαΧε^ομεναι σφίσι, αΐ8ε 
Βε εν ττ) AvBirjj "Έίφεσος ΚοΧοφών ΑεβεΒος Ύεως 
ΚΧαξομεναΙ Φώκαια* ανται Be αί πόΧιες τησι 
πρότερον Χεχ^θεισησι ομοΧο^εονσι κατά ^Χώσσαν 
ονΒέν, σφίσι Βε ομοφωνεονσΐ. ετι Βε τρεΐ<; νττό- 
Χοιττοι Ίάδε? ττόΧιες, των αΐ Βνο μεν νησονς οίκε- 
αται, ^άμον τε καΐ Χ/οζ^, η Βε μία εν τγ ήττείρίρ 
ΪΒρνται, ^Ερνθραί, ΧΖοί. μεν νυν καΐ ^Ερνθραϊοί 
κατά τώντο BιaXέyovτaL, Χάμιοι Βε ^eV εωντών 
μούνοι, οντοι 'χ^αρακτηρε^ ^Χωσση^ τεσσερες 

143. Ύοντων Βη ών των ^Ιώνων οι Μ.ιΧησιοι μεν 
ήσαν εν σκεττη τού φόβον, ορκίον ττοιησάμενοί, 
τοΐσι Be αυτών νησιώτγσί ην Βεινον ονΒέν ούτε 
yap Φοίνικε<ζ ησάν κω ΥΙερσεων κατηκοοι ούτε 
αντοι οί ΤΙέρσαί νανβάται, άττεσχίσθησαν Βε 
άτΓο τών άΧΧων ^Ιώνων ούτοι κατ άΧΧο μεν ούΒεν^ 
Ισθενίος Βε εόντος τού τταντος τότε ^Έ,ΧΧηνικού 

* otire τλ TTphs . . . ίσττΐρην bracketed by Stein. 

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BOOK Ι. 142-143 

142. Now these lonians^ who possessed the 
Panionion, had set their cities in places more 
favoured by skies and seasons than any country 
known to us. For neither to the north of them 
nor to the south nor to the east nor to the west 
does the land accomplish the same effect as Ionia, 
being afflicted here by the cold and wet, there by 
the heat and drought. They use not all the same 
speech but four different dialects. Miletus lies 
farthest south among them^ and next to it come 
My us and Priene ; these are settlements in Caria, 
and they use a common language ; Ephesus^ Colo- 
phon^ Lebedos, Teos, Clazomenae, Phocaea^ all of 
them being in Lydia, have a language in common 
which is wholly different from the speech of the 
three cities aforementioned. There are yet three 
Ionian cities, two of them situate on the islands of 
Samos and Chios, and one, Erythrae, on the main- 
land ; the Chians and Erythraeans speak alike, but 
the Samians have a language which is their own 
and none other's. It is thus seen that there are 
four fashions of speech. 

143. Among these lonians, the Milesians were 
sheltered from the danger (for they had made a 
treaty), and the islanders among them had nothing 
to fear; for the Phoenicians Λvere not yet subjects 
of the Persians, nor were the Persians themselves 
shipmen. But they of Asia were cut off from the 
rest of the lonians in no other way save as I shall 
show. The whole Hellenic race was then but small. 

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yeveo^, ττολλω Βη ην άσθενβστατον των βθρβων το 
^Ιωνικον και Xoyov εΧαχ^ίστον οτΐ yap μη Αθή- 
ναι, ην ovhev αΧΚο ττόΧισμα Xoyi^ov, οί μίν νυν 
αλ\θί^Ιων€^ καΐ οι * Αθηναίοι βφυ^ον το οννομα, 
ου βουΧόμενοί ^Ιωνες κεκΧήσθαι, άΧΧα και νυν 
φαίνονται μοι οι ττοΧΧοΙ αυτών έτταιαγύνεσθαι τω 
ουνοματι• αι θ€ ουωοεκα ττοΧιες αύται τω τβ ουνο- 
ματι ή^άΧ'Χοντο καΐ ιρον ιΒρύσαντο έττΐ σφέων 
αυτ€.ων, τω οΰνομα eOevTO ΐΐανιώνιον, έβουΧβύ- 
σαντο δε αυτού μεταόούναι μηΒαμοΐσι αΧΧοισι 
Ιώνων (ούδ' έΒβηθησαν Be ούΒαμοΙ μετασ'χβΐν otc 
μη Σμυρναίοι)' 144. κατά irep οΐ ίκ της ττεντα- 
πόΧιος νυν 'χ^ώρης Αωριεες, πρότερον Be εξαττόΧιος 
της αυτής ταύτης καΧεομένης, φυΧάσσονται ων 
μηΒαμούς εσΒεξασθαι τών προσοίκων Αωριεων ες 
το Ύριοτηκον ιρον, άλλα και σφεων αυτών τους 
ττερί το ιρον άνομήσαντας εξεκΧηισαν της μετοχής, 
εν yap τω ά^ώνι του ΎριοττΙου ΆιτόΧΧωνος ετί- 
θεσαν το ττάΧαι τρίττοΒας χαΧκεους τοϊσι νικώσι, 
καΐ τούτους χρήν τους Χαμβάνοντας εκ του Ιρου 
μη εκφβρειν αλλ* αύτοΰ άνατιθεναι τω θεώ. άνηρ 
ών ΆΧικαρνησσεύς, τω οΰνομα ην ^AyaσικXί:ηςy 
νικησας τον νόμον κaτηX6yησε, φέρων Βε ττρος τα 
εωυτοΰ οικία ττροσεττασσάΧευσε τον τρίττοΒα. Βια 
ταύτην την αΐτίην αΐ ττίντε πόΧιες, ΑίνΒος και 
Ί7ίΧυσός τε και Κ,άμείρος και Κώς τε και Κ^νΙΒος 
εξεκΧηισαν τής μετοχής την εκτην ττόΧιν ΆΧι- 
καρνησσόν, τούτοισι μεν νυν ούτοι ταύτην την 
ζημιην εττεθηκαν. 

145. ΑυώΒεκα Βε μοι Βοκεουσι ττόΧιας ποιή- 
σασθαι οί "Ιωνες κάϊ ουκ βθεΧήσαι ττΧευνας εσΒε- 
ξασθαι τουΒε είνεκα, οτι και οτε εν ΥίεΧοττοννησφ 


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BOOK I. 143-145 

and the least of all its parts, and the k-ast rc<iarded, 
Avas the Ionian stock ; for saving Athens it had no 
considerable city. Now the Athenians and the rest 
Avould not be called lonians, but spurned the name ; 
nay, even ηοΛν the greater number of them seem to 
me to be ashamed of it ; but the twelve cities afore- 
said gloried in this name, and founded a holy place 
for themselves which they called the Panionion, and 
agreed among them to allo\v no other lonians to use 
it (nor indeed did any save the men of vSmyrna ask 
to be admitted) ; 144. even as the Dorians of Λvhat is 
now the country of the "Five Cities" — the same being 
formerly called the country of tlie " Six Cities " — 
forbid the admitting of any of the neighbouring 
Dorians to the Triopian temple, nay, they barred 
from sharing the use of it even those of their own 
body Λνΐιο had broken the temple law. For long 
ago in the games in honour of Triopian Apollo 
they offered certain bronze tripods to the victors ; 
and those who Λνοη these must not carry them away 
from the temple but dedicate them there to the 
god. Now a man of Halicarnassus called Agasicles, 
being a winner, disregarded this law^, and carrying 
the tripod away nailed it to the wall of his own 
house. For this offence the five cities, Lindus, lalysus, 
Camirus, Cos, and Cnidus, forbade the sixth city, 
Halicarnassus, to share in the use of the temple. 
Such \vas the penalty imposed on the Halicarnassians. 
145. As for the lonians, the reason Λvhy they made 
twelve cities and would admit no more Avas in my 
judgment this, that there were twelve divisions of 


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OLKGOPt SvwBe/ca ην αύτων μίρεα, κατά ττβρ νυν 
^Κ'χμιων των βξεΧασάντων "Ίωνα^ ΒνώΕβκα έστΙ 
μίρβα, ΤΙεΧληνη μεν ye ττρώτη tt/jo? Έ,ίκυώνος, 
μετά Se Κϊ^ειρα και Alyai, εν ττ} Κράθίς ττοταμο^ 
άείναος εστί, αττ οτευ ο εν ^ΙταΧίΐ] ττοταμο^ζ το 
οΰνομα εσγε^ καϊ Βοΰρα καΐ 'Ε^Χίκη, ες την κατε- 
φν^ον "Υωνες νττο ^Αχαιών μάχχ} εσσωθεντες, καϊ 
Aljlov καϊ ^Ϋύττες καϊ Τίατρεες καϊ Φαρεες καΐ 
"Ωλβ^Ός•, εν τω ΐΐεΐρος ποταμός με^ας εστί, καϊ 
Ανμη καϊ Ύριταιεες, οΐ μουνοι τούτων μεσό^αιοι 
οίκεονσί. ταντα Βυώ8εκα μερεα νυν ^ Α-χαιών εστί 
καϊ Tore yε ^Ιώνων ην, 

146. Ύούτων 8η εΐνεκα κα\ οι "Ιωνες Βνώ^εκα 
Ίτολιας ετΓΟίήσαντο' εττεί ως yk τι μαΧΚον ούτοι 
"Ιω /'e? εΙσ\ των άΧλων ^Ιώνων ?; κάΧλιον τι 7^7^~ 
νασι, μωρίη ττοΧΧη XεyεLv' των "Αβαντες μεν εξ 
Ι^ύβοίης είσΐ ουκ εΧαχίστη μοίρα, τοίσι ^Ιωνίης 
μετά ούΒε του ούνόματος ούΒέν, Μίνύαι δε ^Ορχο- 
μενιοί σφί άναμεμίχαται καϊ ΚαΒμεΐοι καϊ Αρύ- 
οττες καϊ Φωκεες άττοΒάσμιοι καϊ Μολοσσοί καϊ 
^ΑρκάΒες ϊlεXaσyol καϊ Αωριεες ^ΕττίΒαύριοι, 
άΧΧα τ ε εθνεα ττοΧΧα άναμεμίχαταΐ' οΐ δβ αυτών 
άπο του ττρυτανηίου του \\Θηναίων ορμηθεντες 
καϊ νομιζοντες yεvvaίότaτoι είναι ^Ιώνων, ούτοι Ζε 
ου yυvalκaς r]yayovTo ες την άποικίην άΧΧα Καεί- 
ρας εσχον, των εφόνευσαν τους yoveaς, Si^ τού- 
τον 8ε τον φόνον αΐ yυvalκeς αύται νόμον Θεμεναι 
σφισι αυτγσι όρκους ειτηΧασαν καϊ τταρεΒοσαν 
τησι θυyaτpάσι, μη κοτε ομοσιτησαι τοΙσι avSpa- 
σι μη8ε ούνόματι βώσαι τον €ωυτΡ]ς άνΒρα, TodSe 
εινεκα οτι εφόνευσαν σφεων τους ττατερας καϊ 

1 86 

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BOOK I. 145-146 

them when they dwelt in Peloponnesus, just as there 
are tΛvelve divisions of the Achaeans who drove the 
lonians out, Pellene nearest to Sicyon, then Aegira 
and Aegae, where is the never-failing river Crathis, 
from Λvhich the river in Italy took its name ; Bura 
and Helice, whither the lonians fled when they \vere 
worsted in battle by the Achaeans ; Aegion, Rhype, 
Patrae, Phareae, and Olenus, where is the great 
river Pirus ; Dyme and Tritaeae, the only inland 
city of all these ; these were the twelve divisions of 
the lonians, as they are now of the Achaeans. 

146. For this reason the lonians too made twelve 
cities, and for no other ; for it Avere but foolishness 
to say that these are more truly Ionian or better born 
than the other lonians ; seeing that not the least part 
of them are Abantes from Euboea, who are not lonians 
even in name, and that there are mingled with them 
Minyans of Orchomenus, Cadmeans, Dryopians, Pho- 
cian seceders from their nation, Molossians, Pelasgian 
Arcadians, Dorians of Epidaurus, and many other 
tribes ; and as for those Λvho came from the very toΛvn 
hall of Athens and deem themselves the best born 
of the lonians, these did not bring wives with them 
to their settlements, but married Carian women Avhose 
parents they had put to death. For this slaughter, 
these women made a custom and bound themselves 
by oath (and enjoined the same on their daughters) 
that none would sit at meat with her husband nor 
call him by his name, because the men had married 


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άνδρας και τταΐΒας καϊ eireira ταύτα ττοίησαντβς 
αύτγσι συνοικεον. 

147. Ύαυτα he ην ηινομ^να iv Μ^λτ^τω. βασί- 
λ,€α9 δε έστήσαντο οΐ μεν αυτών Α,υκιου^ αιτο 
ΤΧαύκον τον ΊτττΓοΧόχον yeyovoTa^f οΐ δέ Καυ- 
κωνας ΤΙνΧίονζ άττο Κόδρου του Μελάνθου, οΐ δε 
καϊ σνναμφοτερους, αΧλα jap ττεριβ'χονταί του 
ούνόματος μάΧλ,όν τι των άΧΧων ^Ιώνων, βστωσαν 
8η καϊ οί καθαρώς yeyovoTe^ "Ιωι/ε?. βίσϊ δε 
ττάντες "Ιωνβς οσοί άττ' ^Αθηνέων yeyovaat καϊ 
^ Αττατούρια ayovat ορτην ayovac Be ττάι^τε? ττΧην 
'Κφβσιων καϊ Υί^οΧοφωνιων* ούτοι yap μοΰνοι 
Ιώνων ουκ ayovat ^ Κιτατ ούρια y και οντοι κατά 
φόνου τίνα σκήψιν. 

148. Το δε ΧΙανιώνιον βστϊ της ΜνκάΧης χώρος 
Ιρος ττρος άρκτον τετραμμενος, Koivfj έξαραιρη- 
μβνος ύτΓΟ ^Ιώνων ΤΙοσειΒέωνι 'ΈίΧΐκωνίω. ή δε 
ΜυκάΧη βστί της ήττείρου άκρη προς ζεφνρον 
άν€μον κατήκουσα Έ.άμω καταντίον, €ς την συΧ- 
XeyόμevoL άττο τών ττοΧίων "Ιωνες ayeaKov ορτην 
TTj eOevTO οΰνομα ΤΙανιώνια, [ττεττόνθασι δε οΰτι 
μοΰναι αΐ ^ Ιώνων ορταΐ τούτο, άΧΧα καϊ 'ΚΧΧήνων 
ττάντων ομοίως ττασαι βς τώυτο ypάμμa τβΧβυτώσι, 
κατά ΤΓβρ τών ΤΙερσεων τα ούνοματα^] ^ 

149. Αύται μεν αΐ Ίάδε? ττόΧιες είσί, αΖδε δε 
αϊ Atoλ^δe?, Κύμη ή Φρικωνις καΧεομενη, Αή- 
ρισαι, Νεοι^ T€ΐχoςy Ύημνος, ΚίΧΧα, Ί^οτιον, 

1 The bracketed words are clearly out of place. Probably 
they are a marginal note with reference to some commen- 
tator's assertion that the o-ending of names of festivals was 
specially Ionic. 


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BOOK I. 146-149 

them after slaying their fathers and husbands and 

147. This happened at Miletus. And for kings 
some of them chose Lycian descendants of Glaucus 
son of HippolochuSj and some Caucones of Pylus, 
descendants of Codrus son of Melanthus, and some 
both. Yet seeing that they set more store by the 
name than the rest of the lonianSj let it be granted 
that those of pure birth are lonians ; and all are 
lonians who are of Athenian descent and keep the 
feast Apaturia.i All do so keep it^ saving the men of 
Ephesus and Colophon ; these are the only lonians 
Λνΐιο do not keep it, and tliese by reason, they say, of 
a certain deed of blood. 

148. The Panionion is a sacred ground in Mycale, 
facing the north ; it was set apart for Poseidon of 
Helicon by the joint will of the lonians. Mycale is 
a western promontory of the mainland opposite to 
Samos ; the lonians were wont to assemble there 
from their cities and keep the festival to which they 
gave the name of Panionia. [The names of all the 
Greek festivals, not the Ionian alone, end alike in 
the same letter, just as do the names of the 

149. I have now told of the Ionian cities. The 
Aeolian cities are these : — Cyme (called " Phri- 
conian"),2 Lerisae, "the New Fort," Temnos, Cilia, 

^ A festival celebrated at Athens and most Ionian cities by 
the members of each " phratria" or clan, lasting three days ; 
on the last day grown-up youths were formally admitted as 
members of the phratria. The festival was held in the 
month Pyanepsion (late October and early November). 

^ Perhaps so called from a mountain in Aeolis, Phricion, 
near which the Aeolians had been settled before their migra- 
tion to Asia. 


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ΚΙ^ιρο^σσα^ ΤΙιτάνη, Atyaiai, Μύρινα, Tpvveca» 
αύται evZe/ca ΑΙοΧβων ττόλίβ? αί άρχ^αΐαΐ' μία yap 
σφέων τταρελνθη Σμύρνη νττο ^Ιώνων ήσαν yap 
κα\ ανται 8νώ^€κα αί iv τ^ ήττβίρω, ούτοι δε οί 
Αω\€€ς γώρην μεν ίτυ-χον κτίσαντες άμείνω 
^Ιώνων, ώρέων Βε ήκονσαν ουκ 6μοίω<ζ, 

150. ΧμνρνηνΒε ώΒε άττεβαΧον ΑίοΧεε^, Κολο- 
φωνίονς άνΒρα<; στάσι εσσωθέντας καΐ εκττεσον- 
τα9 εκ της ττατρίΒος νττεΒέξαντο, μετά, Βε οι 
φυyd8ες των ΚοΧοφωνίων φυΚάξαντες τους Σμυρ- 
ναίους ορτην εξω τείχεος ττοιευμενους Αι,ονύσω, 
τάς ττύλας άττοκΧηίσαντες εσ'χρν την ττόΧιν. 
βοηθησάντων Se ττάντων ΑΙοΧεων, 6μoXoyίr] εχρή- 
σαντο τα εττίττΧα άττοΒοντων των ^Ιώνων εκΧιττεΙν 
Έμύρνην ΑΙοΧέας, ττοιησάντων δε ταύτα Σμυρ- 
ναίων ετΓΐΒιείΧοντο σφεας αί ενΒεκα ττόΧιες καΐ 
ετΓΟίησαντο σφεων αυτεων ττοΧιητας, 

151, Αύται μεν νυν αί ήττειρώτώες ΑΙοΧίΒες 
ττόΧιες, εξω των εν ttj "Ιδί; οίκημενέων κεχωρί- 
Βαται yap ανται. αί Βε τάς νήσους εχουσαι ττεντε 
μεν ττόΧιες την Αεσβον νέμονται (την yap εκτ7}ν 
εν τη Αεσβω οίκημενην ^Αρίσβαν ήνΒραττοΒισαν 
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οϊκηται ττόΧις, κα\ εν τησι 'Έ^κατον νήσοισι καΧεο- 
μενησι άΧΧη μία, Αεσβίοισι μεν νυν και Ύενε- 
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ην Βεινον ούΒέν τησι Βε Χοιττησι ττοΧισι εαΒε 
κοινή Ίωσι εττεσθαι Ty αν ούτοι εζηyεωvτaι» 

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BOOK I. 149-151 

Notiunij AegiroessajPitana^ Aegaeae^ My rina, Grynea. ^ 
These are the ancient Aeolian cities^ eleven in 
number ; these^ too^ the mainland cities, were once 
twelve ; but one of them, Smyrna, was taken away 
by the lonians. These Aeolians had settled where 
the land was better than the Ionian territory, but the 
climate was not so good. 

150. Now this is how the Aeolians lost Smyrna. 
Certain men of Colophon, worsted in civil strife and 
banished from their country, had been received by 
them into the town. These Colophonian exiles 
waited for the time when the men of Smyrna were 
holding a festival to Dionysus outside the walls ; they 
then shut the gates and so won the city. Then all 
the Aeolians came to recover it ; and an agreement 
was made, whereby the Aeolians should receive back 
their movable goods from the lonians, and quit the 
city. This being done, the other eleven cities divided 
the Smyrnaeans among themselves and made them 
citizens of their own. 

151. These then are the Aeolian cities of the 
mainland, besides those that are situate on Ida, and 
are separate. Among those on the islands, five divide 
Lesbos among them (there was a sixth on Lesobs, 
Arisba, but its people were enslaved by their kinsfolk 
of Methymna) ; there is one on Tenedos, and one 
again in the '* Hundred isles " ^ as they are called. 
The men of Lesbos and Tenedos, then, like the 
Ionian islanders, had nothing to fear. The rest of 
the cities took counsel together and resolved to 
follow whither the lonians should lead. 

^ These places lie betAveen Smyrna and Pergamum, on or near 
the coast. But Aegiroessa has not been exactly identified. 

' Δ group of small islands between Lesbos and the main- 


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152. Ώ? Se άττίκοντο eV την Έ^ττάρτην των 
* Ιώνων καΐ ΑίοΧβων οι άγγελοι (κατά yap 8η 
τάχος ην ταύτα ττρησσόμβνα), βίΧοντο irpo ττάντων 
Xey€LV τον Φωκαβα, τω οϋνομα ην ΤΙνθερμος. ο 
Be τΓορφύρεόν τε είμα πβρίβαΧομενος, ώ? αν 
ττυνθανόμενοί ττΧεΐστοι avveXOocev ^τταρτιητβων, 
καΐ καταστας eXeye ττολλα τιμωρίειν εωυτοίσι 
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των ^ϊωνων τους ayyeXov^ όμως άττεστειΧαν 
ττεντηκοντίρω ανΒρας, ώς μεν εμοϊ Bo/ciei, κατα- 
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ρησιν^ yής της ^ΚΧΧάΒος μηΒεμίαν ττόΧιν σινα- 
μωρεειν, ώς αυτών ου ττεριοψομενων, 

153. Ύαΰτα είττοντος του κήρυκος^ Xέyετaι 
Κΰρον επειρέσθαι τους παρεόντας οι ^ΕΧΧ7]νων 
τίνες εόντες άνθρωττου ΑακεΒαιμόνιοι καϊ κόσοι 
ττΧηθος ταύτα εωυτω 'πpoayopεύoυσl' ττυνθανομενον 
Be μιν είττεΐν ττρος τον κήρυκα τον ^ιταρτιητην 
"Ουκ εΒεισά κω ανΒρας τοιούτους, τοΐσι εστί χώρος 
εν μέση τη ττόΧι anoBeBey μένος ες τον συXXεyό- 
μβροι άΧΧηΧους ομνύντες εξαπατώστ τοΐσι, ήν 
εyώ υyιaίvω^ ου τα ^Ιώνων ττάθεα εσται εΧΧεσχα 
άλλα τα οίκηια.^ ταύτα ες τους ττάντας^'Έ^ΧΧηνας 
άττέρριψε 6 Κύρος τα εττεα, οτι άyopaς στησά- 
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ΥΙερσαι άyoρησι ούΒβν εώθασι χρασθαι, ουΒε σφι 
εστί το τταράτταν ayopr]. μετα ταύτα εττιτράψας 


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BOOK I. 152-153 

152. So when the envoys of the lonians and 
Aeolians came to Sparta (for this was set afoot with 
all speed) they chose the Phocaean, whose name was 
Pythermos, to sj)eak for all. He then put on~a 
purple cloak^that as many Spartans as possible might 
assemble to hear him, and stood up and made a long 
speech asking aid for his people. But the Lacedae- 
monians would not listen to him and refused to aid 
the lonians. So the lonians departed ; but the 
Lacedaemonians, though they had rejected their 
envoys, did nevertheless send men in a ship of fifty 
oars to see (as I suppose) how it fared with Cyrus 
and Ionia. These, coming to Phocaea, sent Lacrines, 
who was the most esteemed among them, to Sardis, to 
repeat there to Cyrus a proclamation of the Lacedae- 
monians, that he must harm no city on Greek terri- 
tory ; else the Lacedaemonians would punish him. 

153. When the herald had so spoken, Cyrus (it is 
said) asked the Greeks that were present who and 
how many in number were these Lacedaemonians 
who made him this declaration. When he was told, 
he said to the Spartan herald, " I never yet feared 
men who have a place set apart in the midst of their 
city where they perjure themselves and deceive each 
other. These, if I keep my health, shall have their 
own mishaps to talk of, not those of the lonians." 
This threat he uttered against the whole Greek 
nation, because they have market-places and buy 
and sell there ; for the Persians themselves use no 
market-placeSj nor have they such at all. Presently, 


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τα? μ€ν Σαρδί? Ύαβάλω avhpl Wepatj, τον δε 
-χρυσον τον re Κροίσου καΐ τον των άΧΧων Αυ^ών 
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^Κ^βάτανα, ΚροΙσόν τε αμα ά'γόμ^νος καϊ τους 
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154. Ώς δε άττήΧασε 6 Κνρος ifc των ^αρ8ίων, 
τους ΑνΒούς άττίστησε ο ΙΙακτύης αττό τε ΎαβάΧου 
teal ]νύρου, καταβας δε εττΐ θάΧασσαν, ατε τον 
χρυσον έχων πάντα τον εκ των ^αρΒΙων, εττικού- 
ρους τε εμισθοΰτο καΐ τους εττίθαΧασσίονς <1ν- 
θρώτΓους εττειθε συν εωυτω στρατεύεσθαι, εΧάσας 
δε εττΐ τας ^άρΒις εττοΧώρκεε ΎάβαΧον άττερη- 
μενον εν ττ] άκροττοΧι. 

155. ΥΙυΘόμενος δε κατ οΒον ταύτα 6 1\ΰρος 
είπε προς Κροΐσον τάδε. *' Κροίσε, τι εσται 
τέΧος των γινομένων τούτων εμοι; ου παυσονταυ 
ΑυΒοί, ώς οϊκασι, πρή^ματα παρέχοντες καΐ αυτοί 
έχοντες. φροντίζω μη άριστον τ/ εξαΐ'8ραπο8ί- 
σασθαι σφέας. ομοίως yap μοί νυν γε φαίνομαι 
πεποιηκεναι ως εϊ τις πάτερα άποκτείνας των 
παίΒων αυτού φείσατο' ως δε καΐ εγώ ΑυΒών τον 
μεν πΧεον τι ή πατέρα εόντα σε Χαβων αγω, 
αύτοΐσι δε ΑυΒοΐσι την ποΧιν παρέΕωκα, καΐ 
έπειτα Θωμάζω εϊ μοι άπεστάσι." ο μεν Βη τά 
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ανάστατους ποιήστ] τάς ΧάρΒις. *'^ί1 βασιΧευ, 
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χρέο, μηΒε πόΧιν άρχαίην εξαναστηστ}ς άναμάρ- 


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BOOK I. 153-155 

entrusting Sardis to a Persian called Tabalus^ and 
charging Pactyes^ a Lydian, to take charge of the 
gold of Croesus and the Lydians, he himself marched 
away to Agbatana^ taking with him Croesus^ and at 
first making no account of the lon'ans. For he had 
Babylon on his hands and the Bactrian nation and 
the Sacae and Egyptians ; he was minded to lead 
an army himself against these and to send another 
commander against the lonians. 

154. But no sooner had Cyrus marched away from 
Sardis than Pactyes made the Lydians to revolt from 
Tabalus and Cyrus ; and he went do\vn to the sea^ 
Avhere^ as he had all the gold of Sardis^ he hired 
soldiers and persuaded the men of the coast to join 
his army. Then marching to Sardis he penned 
Tabalus in the citadel and besieged him there. 

155. When Cyrus had news of this on his journey, 
he said to Croesus, '' What end am I to make, Croesus, 
of this business ? it seems that the Lydians Λνϋΐ 
never cease making trouble for me and for themselves. 
It is in my mind that it may be best to make slaves 
of them ; for now methinks I have done like one that 
should slay the father and spare the children. So 
likewise I have taken with me you who were more 
than a father to the Lydians, and handed the city 
over to the Lydians themselves ; and then forsooth 
I marvel that they revolt ! " So Cyrus uttered his 
thought ; but Croesus feared that he would destroy 
Sardis, and thus answered him : '^ Ο King, what you 
say is but reasonable. Yet do not ever yield to anger, 
nor destroy an ancient city that is guiltless both of 


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τητον eovaav και των nporepov καΐ των νρν 
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βστρατεύσαντο, αντον δε ΥΙακτύην ττάντως ζώντα 
ayayelv τταρ εωυτόν, 

157. 'Ο μεν Βη ταύτα εκ της οΒου εντειΧά- 
μενος άττηΧαννε ες ηθεα τα Τίερσεων, ΐίακτύης δε 
ττυθόμενος ayypv είναι στρατον εττ εωυτον Ιόντα 
Beta ας οϊ'χετο φειίγων €9 Κύμην, ^ίαζαρης Βε 6 

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BOOK 1. IS5-IS7 

the former and of the latter offence. For the be^n- 
ning was my Avork, and on my head is the penalty ; 
but it is Pactyes, in whose charge you left Sardis^ 
who does this present wrong; let him therefore be 
punished. But let the Lydians be pardoned ; and 
lay on them this command^ that they may not revolt 
or be dangerous to you ; send, I say^ and forbid 
them to possess weapons of war^ and command 
them to wear tunics under tlieir cloaks and buskins 
on their feetj and to teach their sons lyre-playing 
and song and dance and huckstering. Then, Ο king, 
you will soon see them turned to women instead of 
men ; and thus you need not fear lest they revolt." 

156. Such counsel Croesus gave Cyrus, because he 
thought this was better for the Lydians than to be 
sold as slaves ; he knew that without some reasonable 
plea he could not change the king's purpose, and 
feared that even if the Lydians should now escape 
they might afterw^ards revolt and be destroyed by 
the Persians. Cyrus Λvas pleased by this counsel ; 
he abated his anger and said he Avould ίοΙΙοΛν 
Croesus' advice. Then calling Mazares, a Mede, he 
charged him to give the Lydians the commands 
which Croesus advised ; further, to enslave all the 
others who had joined the Lydians in attacking 
Sardis ; and as for Pactyes himself, to bring him 
by whatever means into his presence alive. 

157. Having given these commands on his journey, 
he marched away into the Persian country. But 
Pactyes, learning that an army sent against him was 
drawing near^ was affrighted and fled to Cyme. 


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δε Βειμαίνοντες την Τίερσεων Βύναμιν'τον ικετην 

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BOOK I. 157-159 

Mazares the Mede^ when he came to Sardis with what- 
ever part he had of Cyrus' army and found Pactyes' 
followers no longer there, first of all compelled the 
Lydians to carry out Cyrus' commands ; and by his 
order they changed their \vhole manner of life. 
After this, he sent messengers to Cyme demanding 
that Pactyes be given up. The Cymaeans resolved 
to make the god at Branchidae their judge as to 
what counsel they should take ; for there was there 
an ancient place of divination, Λvhich all the lonians 
and Aeolians Λvere Avont to consult ; the place is 
in the land of Miletus, above the harbour of 

158. The men of Cyme then sent to Branchidae 
to inquire of the shrine what they should do in the 
matter of Pactyes that should be most pleasing to 
the gods; and the oracle replied that they must give 
Pactyes up to the Persians. When this answer came 
back to them, they set about giving him up. But 
while the greater part were for doing this, Aristo- 
dicus son of Heraclides, a notable man among the 
citizens, stayed the men of Cyme from this deed ; for 
he disbelieved the oracle and thought that those who 
had inquired of the god spoke untruly ; till at last 
a second band of inquirers was sent to inquire con- 
cerning Pactyes, among Avhom was Aristodicus. 

159. When they came to Branchidae Aristodicus 
speaking for all put this question to the oracle : 
"O King, Pactyes the Lydian hath fled to us for 
refuge to save him from a violent death at the hands 
of the Persians ; and they demand him of us, bidding 
the men of Cyme to give him up. But we, for all 
that Λve fear the Persian power, have not made bold 


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ετεΧεώθη. Κυμαΐοι yap ώς εμαθον ταύτα πρησ- 
σόμενα εκ των ΜυτιΧηναίων, ττεμψαντες ττΧοΐον ες 
Αεσβον εκκομιζονσί ΤΙακτνην ες ^cov. ενθεύτεν 
δε εξ Ιρον ^ Αθηναίης ττοΧιούχον άττοσπασθείς νττο 
Χίωζ/ εξεΖόθη' εξέΒοσαν δε οΐΐίΐοι εττΐ τω ^Αταρνει 
μισθω' τον δε ^Αταρνεος τούτου εστί χώρος 

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BOOK I, 159-160 

to give up this our suppliant, until thy will be clearly 
made known to us, whether \ve shall do this or not." 
Thus Aristodicus questioned; and the god gave again 
the same answer, that Pactyes should be delivered up 
to the Persians. With that Aristodicus did as he had 
already purposed ; he went round about the temple, 
and stole away the sparrows and all other families of 
nesting birds that were in it. But while he so did, 
a voice (they say) came out of the inner shrine calling 
to Aristodicus, and saying, ''Thou wickedest of men, 
wherefore darest thou do this? wilt thou rob my 
temple of those that take refuge with me ? " Then 
Aristodicus had his answer ready: "O King," said 
he, '* wilt thou thus save thine own suppliants, yet 
bid the men of Cyme deliver up theirs.'*" But the 
god made answer, " Yea, I do bid them, that ye may 
the sooner perish for your impiety, and never again 
come to inquire of my oracle concerning the giving 
up of them that seek refuge with you." 

IGO. When this answer was brought to the hearing 
of the Cymaeans they sent Pactyes away to Mytilene ; 
for they desired neither to perish for delivering him 
up nor to be besieged for keeping him with them. 
Then Mazares sent a message to Mytilene demanding 
the surrender of Pactyes, and the Mytilenaeans pre- 
pared to give him, for a price ; I cannot say with 
exactness how much it was, for the bargain was 
never fulfilled ; for when the Cymaeans learnt that 
the Mytilenaeans had this in hand, they sent a ship 
to Lesbos and brought Pactyes away to Chios. 
Thence he was dragged out of the temple of City- 
guarding Athene and delivered up by the Chians, 
they receiving in return Atarneus, which is a district 

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τη^ Μνσιη<;, Αβσβου άντίο<ζ. ΤΙακτύην μεν νυν 
τταρα^εξάμβνοί οΐ ΤΙβρσαι βίχον iv φυΧακτ], θί- 
\ovT€^ Κι;/3ω άττοΒεξαι, ην Se χρόνοζ οντος ουκ 
6\iyo<; <yiv6^evo^yOTe ^ίων ούδεί? 6Κ τοΰ^Αταρνέος 
τούτου οΰτ€ ούΧας κριθεων ττρόγυσιν εττούετο 
θβων ούΒβιΊ οΰτ€ ττίμματα ίττεσσετο καρττοΰ του 
βνθεΰτεν, άττβί'χετο τε των ττάντων ίρών τα ττάντα 
etc τη<; χώρης ταύτης γινόμενα, 

161. XZot μεν νυν ΤΙακτύην εξεΒοσαν* Μαζάρης 
Βε μετά ταΰτα εστρατεύετο εττΐ τους συμποΧωρ- 
κησαντας ΤάβαΧον, καϊ τούτο μεν Υϊριηνεας εξην- 
ΒραποΒίσατο^ τούτο Βε ΜαιάνΒρου ττεΒίον ττάν 
εττέΒραμε ΧηΙην τΓΟίβύμενος τω στρατω, Μαγ- 
νησίην τε ωσαύτως, μετά Βε ταύτα αύτικα 
νούσω τεΧευτα, 

162. ^ Αποθανόντος Βε τούτου/^ Α ριταιγος κατεβη 
ΒιάΒοχος της (Γτpaτηyίηςy 'γένος καϊ αύτος εων 
ΜηΒος^ τον 6 ΜήΒων βασίΧεύς ^ Αστυάγης άνόμω 
τραττέζη εΒαίσε, 6 τω Κυ^ω την βασιΧηίην συγ- 
κατερΎασάμενος. ούτος ώνηρ τότε ύττο Κύρου 
στρατηγός άττοΒεχθεΙς ώς ό'^ίκετο ες την ^Ιωνίην, 
αϊρεε τας ττόΧιας χώμασι* οκως yap τειχηρεας 
ττοιησειε, το ενθεύτεν χώματα χών προς τα τείχεα 

163. ΙΙρώττ] Βε Φωκαίτ) *\ωνίης επεχείρησε, 
οΐ Βε Φωκαίεες ούτοι ναυτΐΧίησι μακρησι 
πρώτοι ΈΧΧηνων εχριίσαντο^ καϊ τον τε ^ ΑΒρίην 
καϊ την Ύυρσηνίην καϊ την ^Ιβηρίην καϊ τον 
Ύαρτησσον ούτοι είσΐ οί καταΒεξαντες' εναυτίΧ- 
Χοντο Βε ου στpoyyύXησι νηυσϊ άΧΧα πεντηκον- 
τεροισι» απικόμενοι Βε ες τον Ύαρτησσον προσ- 
φιΧεες iyivovTO τω βασιΧει των Ύαρτησσίων, 


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BOOK I. 160-163 

in Mysia over against Lesbos. The Persians thus 
received Pactyes and kept him guarded, that they 
might show him to Cyrus ; and for a long time no 
Chian \vOuId offer saerifice of barley meal from this 
land of Atarneus to any god, or make sacrificial cakes 
of what greΛv there ; nothing that came from that 
country might be used for any sacred rite. 

161. Pactyes being then delivered up by the 
Chians, Mazares presently led his army against tliose 
who had helped to besiege Tabalus, and he enslaved 
the people of Priene, and overran tlie plain of the 
Maeandrus, giving it up to his army to pillage, and 
Magnesia likewise. Immediately after this he died 
of a sickness. 

162. After his death Ilarj^agus came down to suc- 
ceed him in his command, a Median like Mazares ; 
this is that ilarpagus \vho was entertained by Asty- 
ages the Median king at that unnatural feast, and 
who helped to Λvin the kingship for Cyrus. This 
man was now made general by Cyrus. When he 
came to Ionia, he took the cities by building mounds ; 
he would drive the men Λvithin their walls and then 
build mounds against the Avails and so take the 

163. Phocaea was the first Ionian toAvn that he 
assailed. These Phocaeans were the earliest of the 
Greeks to make long sea-voyages: it was they who 
discovered the Adriatic Sea, and Tyrrhenia, and 
Iberia, and Tartessus,^ not sailing in round freight- 
ships but in fifty-oared vessels. When they came to 
Tartessus they made friends \vith the king of the 

* The lower valley of the Guadalquivir. Later Tartessus 
was identified with Gades (Cadiz), which Herodotus {iv. 8) 
calls (iadira. 

VOL. L Η 203 

ufgitized by Microsoft® 


τω οΰνομα μβν ην ^Αρ<γανθώνίος, irvpdpvevae Se 
Ύαρτησσον oyBw/covra erea, Ιβίωσβ δε ττάντα 
εϊκ,οσι και βκατόν. τούτω Srj τω άνΒρΙ ττροσ- 
ψί\€€<; οί Φω/€αί€€<; ούτω Βή τι iyivovTO ως τα μίν 
ττρώτα σφβας έκΧιττόντας ^Ιωνίην ifciXeve τη<; 
ίωυτον 'χ^ώρη<; οίκησαν οκου βούΧονταΐ' μετά δε, 
ώ? τούτο γε ουκ βττείθε τους Φωκαιβας, ο δε 
ιτυθομενος τον ^ηΒον παρ αυτών ως αΰξοιτο, 
ehihov σφί γρήματα τβΐχος ττεριβαΧεσθαι την 
TToKiVj εΒίΒου δε άψβιΒεως' καΐ yap καΐ η ττβρίοΒος 
τον τείχ^εος ουκ oXiyot στάΒιοί είσΐ, τοντο δε ττάν 
Χίθων μεyάXωv καΐ εν σνναρμοσ μένων, 

164. Το μεν Βη τείχος τοίσι Φωκαιενσι τρόπω 
τοίωΒε εξεποίήθη. 6 Bε'^Apπayoς ώς επηΧασε την 
στρατιήν, εποΧίορκεε αυτούς, προΐσχόμενος επεα 
ως 0L καταχρα ε Ι βούΧονται Φωκαιεες προμα- 
χεώνα ενα μοννον του τειχεος ερεϊψαί καϊ οίκημα 
εν κατιρωσαι. οΐ Βε Φωκαιεες περίημεκτεοντες 
ΤΥ) ΒουΧοσύνη εφασαν θεΧειν βουΧεύσασθαι 
ημερην μίαν καϊ επείτα ύποκρινεεσθαι• εν ω Βε 
βουΧεύονταυ αυτοί, aπayayεlv εκείνον εκέΧευον 
την στρατίην άπο του τείχεος. 6 δ' ' Apπayoς 
εφη εΙΒέναι μεν εν τα εκείνοι μεΧΧοίεν ποιεειν, 
όμως Βε σφί παριεναι βουΧεύσασθαι. εν ω ων 
6 '^Apπayoς άπο του τείχεος άπήyayε την στρα- 
τίην, οί Φωκαιεες εν τούτω κατασπάσαντες τας 
πεντηκοντέρους , εσθεμενοί τέκνα καϊ yυvaίκaς καϊ 
επίπΧα πάντα, προς Βε καϊ τα άyάXμaτa τα εκ 
των Ιρων καϊ τα άΧΧα αναθήματα, χωρίς ο τι 
χαΧκος η Χίθος ή ypaφη ην, τα δε άΧΧα πάντα 
εσθεντες καϊ αύτοϊ εσβάντες επΧεον επϊ Χίον. την 
Βε Φωκαίην ερημωθεΐσαν άνΒρών εσχον οί Τίερσαι. 

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BOOK 1. 163-164 

Tartessians, whose name was Arganthonius ; he ruled 
Tartessus for eighty years and lived an hundred and 
twenty.^ The Phocaeans so won this man's friendship 
that he first entreated them to leave Ionia and settle 
in his country where they would ; and then, when he 
could not persuade them to that, and learnt from 
them how the Median po\ver was increasing, he gave 
them money to build a Avail round their city there- 
with. Without stint he gave it ; for the circuit of 
the Avail is of many furlongs, and all this is made 
of great stones well fitted together. 

164. In such a manner was the Phocaeans' wall 
fully made. Harpagus marched against the city and 
besieged it, but he made overtures, and said that it 
would suflice him if the Phocaeans would demolish 
one bastion of the wall and dedicate one house. 
But the Phocaeans, very wroth at the thought ot 
slavery, said they desired to take counsel for one day, 
and then they would answer ; but while they Avere 
consulting, Harpagus must, they said, withdraAv his 
army from the Avails. Harpagus said that he knew 
well what they purposed to do, but that nevertheless 
he would suffer them to take counsel. So while Har- 
pagus withdrew his army from the walls, the Phocae- 
ans launched their fifty-oared ships, placed in them 
their children and women and all movable goods, 
besides the statues from the temples and all things 
therein dedicated save bronze or stonework or 
painting, and then themselves embarked and set 
sail for Chios ; and the Persians took Phocaea, thus 
left uninhabited. 

* A common Greek tradition, apparently ; Anacreon (Fr. 8) 
says " 1 would not . . . rule Tartessus for an hundred and 
fifty years." 


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165. Οί Sk Φωκαΐ€€^, enelre σφι Xlol τ ας 
νήσου<; τάς Οίνούσσας καλβομένας ουκ Ιβοΰλοντο 
ώνβυμβροίσί ιτωΧέειν^ ^ειμαίνοντε^ μη αΐ μίν €μ- 
Ίτόριον ^ίνωνται, η δέ αύτων ρήσος άττοκΧηίσθτ} 
τούτου elvefCHy ττρος ταύτα οι Φωκαιβες βστέΧλ,οντο 
ες Κνρνον iv yap ttj Κύρνω et/coat βτβσι ττρό- 
τερον τούτων εκ θεοττροττίου άνεστ7]σαντο ιτοΚιν, 
ττ) οΰνομα ην ^Α\α\ίη, Κρ^ανθώνιος Be τηνι- 
καυτα ή8η τετεΧευτηκεε, στεΧΚόμενοί δβ εττΐ την 
KvpvoVy ττρώτα καταττΧενσαντες ες την Φωκαίην 
κατεφόνενσαν των ΙΙερσεων την φυΧακιμ', ή 
εφρούρεε τταραΒεξαμενη τταρα 'ApTrdjov την 
TToXiV. μετά 8ε, ως τοντο σφι εξέρ^αστο, εττοιη- 
σαντο Ισγ^νρας κατάρας τω ύττοΧειττομενω εωυτων 
του στόλου, ττρος Βε ταύτγαι καΐ μύΒρον σιΒήρεον 
κατεπόντωσαν καΐ ώμοσαν μη πτρίν ες Φωκαίην 
ηξειν ττρίν ?) τον μνΒρον τούτον άναφανηναι. 
στεΧΚομενων Βε αύτων εττΐ την Κ,ύρνον, νττερη- 
μίσεας των αστών εΧαβε ττόθος τε καΐ οίκτος της 
πόΧίος καΐ των ηθεων της 'χλωρής, ψευΒόρκιοί Βε 
γενόμενου άττεττΧεον οττίσω ες την Φωκαίην. οΐ 
Βε αύτων το όρκων εφύΧασσον, άερΘεντες εκ των 
Οινονσσεων εττΧεον. 

166. Ί^πείτε Βε ες την Κύρνον άττίκοντο, οϊκεον 
KOivf) μετά των ττρότερον άττικομενων εττ ετεα 
ττεντε, καΐ Ιρα ενιΒρύσαντο. καΐ rjyov yap Βη 
καϊ εφερον τους περιοίκους ατταντας, στρατεύ- 
ονται ων εττ' αυτούς κοινω Xόyω χρησάμενοί 
ΎυρσηνοΙ καΐ Καρχ^7]Βόνίθί, νηυσϊ εκάτεροι εξή- 
κόντα. οί Βε Φωκαοεες ττΧηρώσαντες καϊ αύτοΙ 
τά ττΧοΐα, εόντα αριθμόν εξηκοντα, αντίαζον ες 
το '^αρΒόνιον καΧευμενον 7ΓεXayoς, συμμισ- 


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BOOK Ι. 165-166 

165. The Pliocaeans would have bought of the 
Chians the islands called Oenussae ^ ; but the Chiaiis 
would not sell them, because they feared that the 
islands would become a market and so their own 
island be cut off from its trade : so the Phocaeans 
made ready to sail to CyrnuSj^ where at the command 
of an oracle they had twenty years before this built 
a city called Alalia. Arganthonius was by this time 
dead. While making ready for their voyage, tliey 
first sailed to Phocaea, \vhere tliey slew the Persian 
guard to whom Harpagus had entrusted the defence 
of the city ; and this being done, they called down 
mighty curses on whosoever of themselves should 
stay behind Avhen the rest sailed. Not only so, but 
they sank in the sea a mass of iron, and swore never 
to return to Phocaea before the iron should again 
appear. But while they prepared to voyage to Cyrnus, 
more than half of the citizens were taken with a 
longing and a pitiful sorroAv for the city and the life 
of their land, and they broke their oath and sailed 
back to Pliocaea. Those of them who kept the oath 
set out to sea from the Oenussae. 

1G6. And when they came to Cyrnus they dwelt 
there for five years as one body with those who had 
first come, and they founded temples there. But 
they harried and plundered all their neighbours : 
wlierefore the Tyrrhenians and Carehedonians made 
common cause against them, and sailed to attack 
them each Avith sixty ships. The Phocaeans also 
manned their ships, sixty in number, and met the 
enemy in the sea called Sardonian. They joined 

^ Between Chios and the mainland. 
* Corsica. 


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ηόιηων Be rtj νανμαχίτ] Κα^μβίη Tt9 νίίΰη τοϊσι 
Φωκαίζύσι iyevsTO' ai μεν jap τεσσβράκοντά σψι 
ΐ'έβς 8ί€φθάρ7]σαν, αΐ he είκοσι αΙ irepieovaaL 
ήσαν άχρηστοι' άπεστράφατο yap τον<ζ €μβό~ 
\ονς. καταττΧώσαντες Be ες την ^Α\α\ίην ave- 
Χαβον τα τέκνα καΐ τας yvva?fca<; real την αΧΧην 
κτησιν οσην οίαί τ€ eyivovTO αί νέες σφο ayeiv, 
κα\ εττειτα άττεντες την Κ,νρνον eirXeov ες 

167. Ύών δβ Βιαφθαρεισεων νέων τους ανΒρας 
οϊ τε Κ.αρχηΒ6νίθΐ κα\ οι ΎυρσηνοΙ [Βιελαχον, των 
8ε Ύνρσηνών οΐ ^ AyvXXaloi] ^ εΧαχόν τε αυτών 
ποΧΧω ΊτΧείστους teal τούτους εξayayόvτες κατε- 
Χευσαν, μετά 8ε ^AyυXXaίoίσι ττάντα τα τταρο- 
όντα τον xcopovj εν τω οι Φωκαιεες καταΧευ- 
σθεντες εκεατο, εyίvετo Βιάστροφα καΐ εμττηρα 
κα\ αττόττΧηκτα, ομοίως ττρόβατα καΐ υ'πoζύyιa 
fcal ανθρωτΓΟί' οΐ Βε ^AyυXXaL0L• ες ΑεΧφούς 
εττεμτΓΟν βουΧόμενοι ακεσασθαι την άμαρτάΒα. 
η δε ΐΐυθίη σφεας εκεΧευσε iroUeiv τα κα\ νυν 
οί ^ Ay υΧΧαΐοί ετι επίτεΧεουσΐ' και yap ivayi- 
ζουσΐ σφι μεyάXως καΐ aycova yυμvικov και 
Ιττπίκον ετΓίστάσι, και ούτοι μεν των Φωκαιεων 
τοίούτω μόρω Βιεχρησαντο, οΐ Βε αυτών ες το 
' Pi'jy ιον κaτaφvy6vτες ενθευτεν ορμώμενοι εκτη- 
σαντο ττόΧιν yής της ΟΙνωτρίης ταύτην ήτις νυν 
'ΎεΧη καΧεεταΐ' έκτισαν Se ταύτην ττρος άν8ρος 
ΐΙοσειΒωνιητεω μαθοντες ως τον Κ,ύρνον σφί η 
ΐΐυθιη έχρησε κτισαι ηρών εοντα, άΧΧ ου την 

^ The words in brackets are Stein's conjecture ; the MSS. 
have nothing between ΤυρσηνοΙ and ^λαχον. 


Digitized by Microsoft® 

BOOK ί. 166-167 

battle^iiiid the Phocaeans won^ yet it was but a Cad- 
mean victory ^ ; for tliey lost forty of their ships^ and 
tlie twenty that remained were useless^ their rams 
being twisted awry. Then sailing to Alalia they took 
on board their children and women and all of their 
possessions that their ships could hold, and leaving 
Cyrnus they sailed to Rhegium. 

167. As for the erews of the destroyed ships, the 
Carchedonians and Tyrrhenians drew lots for them: 
and by far tlie greater share of them falling to the 
Tyrrhenian city of Agylla,^ the Agyllaeans led them 
out and stoned them to death. But after this all 
from Agylla, whether sheep or beasts of burden or 
men, tliat passed the place where the stoned Phocae- 
ans lay, became distorted and crippled and palsied. 
The Agyllaeans sent to Delphi, desiring to heal their 
offence ; and the Pythian priestess bade them do 
Avhat the people of Agylla to this day perform : for 
they pay great honours to the Phocaeans, with 
religious rites and games, and horse-races. Such 
was the end of this portion of the Phocaeans. Those 
of them Λνΐιο fled to Rhegium set out from thence 
and gained possession of that Oenotrian^ city Avhich 
is now called Hyele^; this tliey founded because 
they learnt from a man of Posidonia that when the 
Pythian priestess spoke of founding a settlement and 
of Cyrnus, it Λvas the hero that she signified and 
not the island. 

* Polyniccs and Eteocles, sons of Oedipus and descendants 
of Cadmus, fought for the possession of Thebes and killed 
eaeh other. Hence a Cadmean victory means one where 
victor and vanquished suffer alike. 

^ Later Caere in Etruria. 

' Oenotria corresponds to Southern Italy (the Lucania and 
Bruttium of Roman history). * Later Elea (Velia). 


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168. Φωκαίης μέν νυν rrepL τή<; iv ^Ιωνίτι out ω 
eo-^^e, τταραπΧήσια Se τούτοισι καϊ Ύψοι iirol- 
ησαν, irrelre yap σφίων elXe χώματί το τβΐ'χ^ος 
'^Ap7rayo<;, €σβάντ€<; ττάντβζ e? τα ττΧοΐα οΧγοντο 
ττΧβοντβζ €7γΙ της ^)ρηίκης, καί Ινθαυτα βκτισαν 
ttoKlv ^Αβ^ηρα, την ττροτερος τούτων Κλαζο- 
μένως Ύιμησιος κτίσας ουκ άττόνητο, αλλ' ύττο 
^ρηίκων βζεΧασθβΙς τιμάς νυν ύττο Ύι^ίων των 
iv ^Αβ8ηροίσι ώς ηρως €%et. 

169. Ουτοί μίν νυν ^Ιώνων μοΰνοί την ΒουΧο- 
σύνην ουκ άν€γχ)μβνοί i^iXnrov τας ττατρίΒας' οι 
δ' αΧΧοί Ίωνβς ττΧην ΜίΧησίων Sia μάχ7]ς μβν 
άττίκοντο Αρττά^ω κατά ττερ οι εκΧίττόντες, καϊ 
ανΖρες iyevovTO ayaOoX ττβρί ττ}ς βωυτού έκαστος 
μαχόμενοι, εσσωθεντες Βε καϊ άΧόντες εμενον 
κατά γωρην έκαστοι καϊ τα εττιτασσόμενα εττετε- 
Χεον. ΜιΧησιοί Be, ώς καϊ ττρότερόν μοι εϊρηται, 
αύτω Κύρφ ορκιον ττοιησάμενοι ήσυχ^ίην rjyov, 
ούτω Βη το Βεύτερον ^Ιωνίΐ] εΒεΒούΧωτο. ώς Βε 
τους εν τη ήττείρω "Ιωνας εχειρώσατο 'Άp7Γayoς, 
οΐ τάς νήσους έχοντες "Ιωνες καταρρωΒησαντες 
ταύτα σφέας αυτούς εΒοσαν Κ,ύρω, 

170. Κεκακωμενων Βε ^]ώνων καϊ συXXεyo- 
μενων ούΒεν ήσσον ες το Uaviowiov, ττυνθάνομαι 
yvώμηv Βίαντα ανΒρα Τίριηνεα άττοΒεξασθαι "Ίωσι 
χρησιμωτάτην, τη el εττείθοντο, τταρεΐχε αν σφι 
εύΒαιμονεειν ΕΧΧηνων μάΧιστα' ος εκεΧευε κοινω 
στόλω "Ιωνας άερθεντας ττΧεειν ες ^αρΒώ καϊ 
εττειτα ττοΧιν μιαν κτιζειν ττάντων Ιώνων, καϊ 
ούτω άπαΧΧαχθεντας σφεας ΒουΧοσύνης εύΒαι- 
μονησειν, νήσων τε άττασεων μεyίστηv νεμομενους 
καϊ άρχοντας άΧΧων μενουσι Βέ σφι εν τη 

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BOOK Ι. ι6δ-ΐ7ο 

168. ThuSj then, it fared with the Ionian Phocaea. 
The Teians did in like manner with the Phocaeans : 
when Harpagus liad taken their walled city by build- 
ing a mound^ they all embarked on shipboard and 
sailed away for Thrace. There they founded a city, 
Abdera^ which before this had been founded by 
Tiniesius of Clazomenae ; yet he got no good of it, 
but Avas driven out by the Thracians. This Timesius 
is now honoured as a hero by the Teians of Abdera. 

169. These were the only lonians who^ being 
unable to endure slavery, left their native lands. The 
rest of the lonians, except the Milesians, though 
they faced Harpagus in battle as did the exiles, and 
bore themselves gallantly^ each fighting for his own 
country, yet, Avhen they were worsted and their 
cities taken, remained each where lie was and did as 
they were commanded. The Milesians, as I have 
already said, made a treaty with Cyrus himself and 
struck no blow. Thus was Ionia for the second 
time enslaved : and when Hai-pagus had conquered 
the lonians of the mainland, the lonians of the 
islands, fearing the same fate, surrendered tliemselves 
to Cyrus. 

170. When the lonians, despite their evil plight, 
did nevertheless assemble at the Panionion, ]3ias of 
Priene, as I have heard, gave them very useful advice, 
which had they followed they might have been the 
most prosperous of all Greeks: for he counselled them 
to put out to sea and sail all together to Sardo and 
then found one city for all lonians : thus, possessing 
the greatest island in the world and bearing rule over 
others, they would be rid of slavery and win pros- 
perity ; but if they stayed in Ionia he could see (he 

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*]ωνίτ} ουκ. €φη evopav βΧβνΟβρίηρ €τι εσομίνην, 
αύτη μεν Βίαρτο<; τον Τ1ρίην€0<ζ 'γνώμη €7γΙ δίβ- 
φθαρμβνοισι "Ιωσ^ 'γενομβνη, 'χρήστη Se καΐ ττρίν 
Τ) ^ιαφθαρήναι ^Ιωνίην Θάλβω avhpo^ ΜίΧησΙου 
i'yeveTOj το ανέκαθεν γει^ος• €οντο<ζ Φοηηκο^, 09 
εκελενε εν βονΧεντήριον Ίωνας εκτήσθαι, το δε 
εΙναί εν Ύεω {Ύέων yap μέσον είναι ^Ιωνίη<ζ), τας 
8ε άΧλας TToXias οίκεομενα^ μηόεν ήσσον νομί- 
ζεσθαι κατά ττερ εΐ Βήμοί είεν ουτου μεν δ?/ σφι 
<γνώμα<; τοιάσΕε άπε^εξαντο, 

171. " Apirayo^ 8ε καταστρεψάμενο^; ^Ιωνίην 
εττοίίετο στρατηίην εττΐ Κάρα<; καΐ Καννίου<; καΐ 
AvKLOV^, αμα ά<γόμενος καΐ "Ιωνα^ καΐ ΑίοΧεας. 
είσΐ 8ε τούτων Κάρε^ μεν άιτί'γμενοί is την ηττειρον 
εκ των νήσων, το yap τταΧαιον εόντε^ ^\ίνω κατή- 
KOOL καΐ καΧεομενοι Λβλεγβς είχον τα? νήσους, 
φορον μεν ου8ενα νττοτεΧέοντε^, όσον καΐ iyo) 
8ννατ6ς εΙμι επΙ μακρότατον εξίκεσθαι άκοτ/' οΐ 
δε, ΟΛτω? ΑΙ/ι-'ω? 8εοίτο, ειτΧηρονν οΐ τας νεα<ί. ατε 
8η ^\ινω τ€ κατεστραμμένου yvjv ττοΧΧην καΐ εύ- 
τυχεοντος τω ττοΧεμω, το Καροκον ην έθνος Xoyc- 
μώτατον των εθνεων απάντων κατά τούτον άμα 
τον χρόνον μακρω μάΧιστα, και σφι τριξά 
εξευρήματα εyεvετo, τοΐσι οΐ 'ΈΧΧηνες εχρήσαντο• 
καΐ yap εττΐ τα κράνεα Χ6φου<ς εττίΒεεσθαί Κλάρες 
είσΐ οι κατα8εξαντες καΐ επΙ τα? ασττ/δα? τα 
σημήια ττοιεεσθαι, και οχανα άσττίσι ούτοι είσΐ ol 
ττοιησάμενοί ττρωτοί' τέως 8ε άνευ οχάνων εφόρεον 
τάς άσττί8ας ττάντες οΧ ττερ εώθεσαν άσττίσι χρά- 
σθαί, τεΧαμωσί σκυτίνοισι οΙηκίζοντε<;, ττερί τοΐσι 
αύχεσι τ€ κα\ τοΊσι άριστεροΐσι ωμοισι ττερικεί- 

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BOOK I. 170-171 

said) no hope of freedom for them. Such was the 
counsel which Bias of Priene gave after the destruc- 
tion of the lonians ; and good also was that given 
before the destruction by Thales of Miletus^ a 
Phoenician by descent ; he would have had the lonians 
make one conunon place of counsel, \vhich should be 
in Teos, for that was the centre of Ionia ; and the 
state of tlie other cities should be held to be no otlier 
than if they were but townships. Thus Bias and 
Thales advised. 

171. Harpagus, after subduing Ionia, made an 
expedition against the Carians, Caunians, and Lycians, 
taking with him lonians and Aeolians. Now among 
these the Carians were a people Λνΐιο had come to the 
mainland from the islands; for in old time they were 
islanders, called Leleges and under the rule of Minos, 
not (as far as I can learn by hearsay) paying him 
tribute, but manning ships for him when he needed 
them. Seeing then that Minos had subdued much 
territory to himself and was victorious in war, this 
made the Carians too at that time to be very far 
the most regarded of all nations. Three things 
they invented in which they Λvere followed by the 
Greeks : it \vas the Carians who first taught the 
wearing of crests on their helmets and devices on 
their shields, and who first made for their shields 
holders ; till then all who used shields carried 
them Λvithout these holders, and guided them 
with leathern baldrics which they slung round 


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μενοί, μ€τα Be τους Κάρας 'χρόνω νστβρον πολλω 
Δωρί6€9 τε και 1ωρ6ς βξανβστησαν €κ των νήσων, 
καϋ οΰτω βς την ηττβιρον ατηκοντο. κατά μβν Βη 
Κάρας οΰτω Κρήτβς Xijouat yeviaOar ου μάντοί 
αυτοί y€ ομοΧο^^ονσι τούτοισί οΐ Κάρε?, άλλα 
νομίζουσι αύτοΙ ίωντονς elvai αυτογθονας ήττβί- 
ρώτας, καΐ τω οννόματι τω αύτφ alel Βιαχ^ρεωμί- 
νους τω irep νυν. άττοΒβίκνυσι Be ev ΜυΧάσοισι 
Αώς Καρίου Ιρον άργ^αΐον, του Ί\Ινσοϊσι μίν καΐ 
ΑυΒοΙσι μ€Τ€στι, ώς κασι^νητοισι βουσι τοΐσι 
Καρσί• τον yap ΑυΒον καΐ τον Ί^ίυσον λέγουσα 
elvai Καρος άΒβΧφεούς. τούτοισι μβν Βή μύτεστι, 
όσοι Be έόντβς αΧΧον 6θν€ος ομό^Κωσσοι τοΐσι 
Καρσί eyevovTOf τούτοισι Be ου μίτα. 

172. Ot δε Καύνιοι αύτ6χ^θον€ς BoKeetv €μοΙ 
€ΐσί, αύτοϊ μίντοι etc Κρήτης φασί elvai, ττροσ- 
Κ€χωρήκασι Be y\ώσσav μίν ττρος το Καρικον 
'έθνος, ή οΐ Κάρες ττρος το Καυνικόν {τοΰτο yap 
ουκ €χω άτpeκeως Βιακρΐναι), νόμοισι Be χρ€ωνται 
Κ€χωρισμ€νοισι ttoWov των τε άΧλων άνθρώττων 
και Καρών, τοΐσι yap καΚΚιστον ΙστΙ κατ 
ηΚίκίην τ€ καϊ ψιλότητα etXaBov συyyίveσΘaι ες 
τΓοσιν, καϊ άνΒράσι και yυvaιζ\ και τταισί. ΙΒρυ- 
θίντων Be σφι Ιρων ξ€ίνικών, μeτe^τ€lτa ως σφι 
άττε'δο^ε, eBo^e Be τοΐσι ττατρίοισι μούνον γ^ράσθαι 
θeoΐσι, €νΒύντ€ς τα οττλα aτΓavτeς Καύνιοι ήβηΒόν, 
τύπτovτeς Βόρασι τον rjepa, Ρ^^χρι ούρων των 
ΚαΧυνΒικών eiirovTO, καϊ 'ύφασαν ΙκβάλΧειν τους 
ξβινικούς θεούς. 


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BOOK I. 171-172 

the neck and over the left shoulder.^ Then, a 
long time afterwards, the Carians were driven from 
the islands by Dorians and lonians and so came to 
the mainland. This is the Cretan story about the 
Carians ; but they themselves do not consent to it, 
but hold that they are aboriginal dwellers on the 
mainland and ever bore the name which they bear 
ηοΛν ; and they point to an ancient shrine of Carian 
Zeus at Mylasa, whereto Mysians and Lydians, as 
brethren of the Carians (for Lydus and Mysus, they 
say, were brothers of Car), are admitted, but none of 
any other nation, though they learned to speak 
the same language as the Carians. 

172. The Caunians, to my mind, are aborigines of 
the soil ; but they themselves say that they came 
from Crete. Their speech has groΛvn like to the 
Carian, or the Carian to theirs (for that I cannot 
clearly determine), but in their customs they are 
widely severed from the Carians, as from all other 
men. Their chief pleasure is to assemble for drink- 
ing-bouts in such companies as accord with their 
ages and friendships — men, women, and children. 
Certain foreign rites of worship were established 
among them ; but presently when they were other- 
wise minded, and would Avorship only the gods of 
their fathers, all Caunian men of full age put on their 
armour and went together as far as the boundaries 
of Calynda, smiting the air with their spears and 
saying that they were casting out the stranger gods. 

^ This is the management of the Homerie "man-covering" 
shield, as shown in the Iliad, The shield is not carried on 
the arm, but hangs by a belt which passes over the left 
shoulder and under the right arm-pit ; by a pull on the 
ΎΐΧαμών it can be sliifted so as to protect breast or baek, 


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173. ΚαΙ ovroL μλν τρυποισι τοωύτοίσι χρε- 
ωΐ'ται^ οι Se Av/aot εκ Κρ?;τ??? τωρχαΐον ηεηονασι 
{την yap Κρητηυ el^ov το ιτάλαιον ττασαν βάρ- 
βαροι)' ^ιενβίγθίντων δβ iv Κ,ρητγ ττερί τή<; 
βασίΧηίη^ των Έινρώττη^ ιταίΒωρ ^αρπηΕόνο<; τε 
καΐ MtVft), ώ? επεκράτησε ττ} στασι Mti /ω?, ^ζη- 
Χασε αυτόν τε 'Σ,αρττηΒόνα και τους στασιώτας 
αύτου, ot δέ άττωσθεντες άττίκοντο ττ}? ^ Κσίη<ζ e? 
y?]V την Μίλι^αδα* την yap νυν Κνκιοί νέμονται^ 
αυτή το τταΧαιον ην MiXfa?, οΐ 8ε MiXvac τότε 
^όΧνμοΰ εκαΧεοντο, έω? μεν 8η αυτών Έ,αρττηΒων 
ηρχε, οΐ Βε εκαΧεοντο τό ττερ τε ηνείκαντο ούνομα 
και νυν ετι καΧέονται υττο των περιοίκων οΐ 
K-uKioiy ΎερμΙΧαν ώ<; 8ε εξ Άθηνεων Αύκο^ 6 
HavStovo^y εξεΧασθεΙς καΐ ουτο^ υιτο του α8εΧ- 
φεοΰ Αΐ<γεος, άιτίκετο e? του<ζ ΎερμίΧας τταρα 
Έ,αρττηΒόνα, ούτω 8η κατά τον Κύκου την εττωνυ- 
μίην Αύκιοι άνα χρόνου εκΧήθησαν, νόμοισι 8ε 
τα μεν Κρητικοΐσι τα 8ε Καρικοΐσι χρεωνται. εν 
8ε τόΒε ϊ8ιον νενομίκασι καΐ ούΒαμοΐσι άΧΧοισι 
συμφερονται ανθρώπων καΧεουσι άπο των μητέ- 
ρων εωυτού<ζ καΐ ούκι από των πάτερων είρομενου 
8ε έτερον τον πΧησιον Τ69 εϊη, καταΧεζεί εωυτον 
μητρόθεν καΐ της μητρός άνανεμεεται τας μητέρας, 
καΐ ην μεν γβ <γυνη άστη 8ούΧω συνοίκηση, ηεν- 
ναΐα τα τέκνα νενόμισται* ην 8ε άνηρ αστός καϊ 
ό πρώτος αυτών γυναίκα ξείνην ή παΧΧακην εχη, 
άτιμα τα τέκνα γίνεται, 

174. Ot μεν νυν Κάρες ούΒεν Χαμπρόν 'ipyov 
άπο8εξάμενοι ε8ουΧώθησαν υπό * Αρπά^ου^ ούτε 
αύτοϊ οΐ Κάρες άπο8εξάμενοι ού8εν, ούτε όσοι 

ΚΧΧηνων ταυτην την χώρην οίκεουσΐ' οίκεουσι 


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BOOK L 173-174 

173. Such are their fashions. The Lycians were 
of Crete in ancient times (for of old none that dwelt 
in Crete were Greek). Now there was a dispute in 
Crete about the royal power between Sarpedon and 
Minos, sons of Europe ; Minos prevailed in this 
division and drove out Sarpedon and his partisans ; 
who, being thrust out, came to the Milyan land in 
Asia. What is now possessed by the Lycians was of 
old Milyan, and the Milyans were then called Solymi. 
For a while Sarpedon ruled them, and the people 
were called Termilae, which was the name that they 
had brought with them and that is still given to the 
Lycians by their neighbours ; but after the coming 
from Athens of Lycus son of Pandion — another exile, 
another exile, banished by his brother Aegeus — to 
join Sarpedon in the land of the Termilae, they 
came in time to be called Lycians after Lycus. Their 
customs are in part Cretan and in part Carian. But 
they have one which is their own and shared by no 
other men; they take their names not from their 
fathers but from their mothers; and when one is 
asked by his neighbour who he is, he will say that 
he is the son of such a mother, and recount the 
mothers of his mother. Nay, if a woman of full 
rights marry a slave, her children are deemed pure- 
born ; and if a true-born Lycian man take a stranger 
wife or concubine, the children are dishonoured, 
though he be the first in the land. 

174. Neither then the Carians nor any Greeks 
who dwell in this country did any deed of note 
before they were all enslaved by Harpagus. Among 


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Be και aXkoL και ΑακβΒαίμοΐ'ίων άττοίκοι ΚνιΒιοί* 
οΐ της χώ/57;9 της σφβτέρης τετ ραμμένης €9 
ττόντον, το Βη Ύριότηον καΧέβται, άpyμ€vης 
Be €Κ της Ιίερσονήσου της Βυβασσίης, εούσης τβ 
Ίτάσης της Κ.νίΒίης ττΧην οΧίΎης nrepippoov (τα 
μεν 'yap αυτής προς βορεην ανεμον 6 Κεραμεοκος 
κόΧτΓος aTTepyei, τα Be ττρος νότον η κατά '^ύμην 
Τ6 και 'νόΒον θάλασσα), το ων Βη oXiyov τοντο, 
eov όσον τε eVt ττεντε στάΒια, ωρυσσον οι KvlBlol 
iv οσω ' Αρητα^ος την Ιωνιην κατεστρεφετο, 
βονΧομενοί νήσον την γωρην Ίτοίήσαι. εντός Βε 
Ίτασά σφί ε^ίνετο' ττ} yap ι) ΚνίΒίη χώρη ες την 
ηιτειρον τεΧευτα, ταύτγ 6 Ισθμός εστί τον ωρυσ- 
σον. καϊ Βη TToXXfj χειρί ερyaζoμεvωv των Js^vc- 
ΒΙων, μαΧΧον yap τι καϊ θειότερον εφαίνοντο 
τιτρώσκεσθαι οΐ εpyaζ6μεvoί του οίκυτος τά τε 
αΧΧα του σώματος καϊ μάΧιστα τά ττερί τους 
οφθαΧμους θραυομενης της ττετρης, εττεμπον ες 
ΑεΧφούς θεοττρότΓους εττειρησο μένους το άντίξοον, 
η Βε Υίυθιη σφι, ως αύτοΙ K^viBiot XεyoυσL, χρα εν 
τριμέτρω τονω τάΒε, 

^ίσθμον Βε μη lΓυpyoΰτe μηΒ' ορύσσετε' 
Ζευς yap κ εθηκε νήσον, ει κ εβούΧετο. 

ΚνΙΒιοί μεν ταύτα τής ΐΐυθίης χρησάσης του τε 
6pύyμaτoς ετταυσαντο καΐ Apiraycp εττιόντι συν 
τω στρατω αμαχητί σφεας αυτούς τταρεΒοσαν. 

175. '^ϊΐσαν Βε ΙΙηΒασεες οίκεοντες υττερ 'AXl~ 
καρνησσού μεσόyaιav' τοίσι οκως τι μεΧΧοι 
άνεπιτηΒεον εσεσθαι, αυτοϊσί τε καϊ τοΙσι ττεριοί- 
κοισι, η Ιρείη τής ^ Αθηναιης Ίτώyωva μεyav Ισχε. 
τρις σφι τούτο εyεveτo, ούτοι των ττερΙ Κ,αρίην 


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BOOK I. 174-175 

those who iiiliabit it are certain Cnidians, colonists 
from Lacedaemon. Their country (it is called the 
Triopion) lies between the sea and that part of the 
peninsula which belongs to Bubassus, and all but a 
little part of the Cnidian territory is sea-girt ; for it 
is bounded on the north by the gulf of Cei'amicus^ 
and on the south by the sea off Syme and Rhodes. 
Now while Harpagus was conquering Ionia, the 
Cnidians dug a trench across this little space, which 
is about five furlongs wide, in order that so their 
country might be an island. So they brought it all 
within the entrenchment; for the frontier betAveen 
the Cnidian country and the mainland is on the 
isthmus across which they dug. Many of them 
were at this work ; and seeing that the \vorkers were 
more often hurt and less naturally than ordinary, 
some in other parts, but most in the eyes, by the 
breaking of stones, the Cnidians sent envoys to 
Delphi to inquire what it Avas that so hindered them. 
Then, as they themselves say, the priestess gave 
them this answer in iambic verse : 

'^ Nor wall nor dig across your isthmus ; long ago 
Your land had been an isle, if Zeus had willed 
it so." 

At this answer from the priestess the Cnidians ceased 
from their digging, and when Harpagus came against 
them with his army they surrendered to him without 

175. There were also certain folk of Pedasa, 
dwelling inland of Halicarnassus • when any mis- 
fortune was coming upon them or their neighbours, 
the priestess of Athene grew a great beard. This 
had happened to them thrice. These were the only 


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avSpcov μοννοί re αντίσγον γ^ρονον Άρττάγω καϊ 
ττρη^ματα τταρβσ-χον ττΧεΓστα, 6ρο<; τεί'χισαντε'ζ 
τω οΰνομα earX Αί8η. 

176. ΐΐ7]8ασ€€<; μίν νυν 'χ^ρονω ίξαιρίθησαν 
Av/cLot δε, α>9 €9 το Ξάνθιον ττε^ίον ήΧασβ 6 
'Άρττα'γος τον στρατόν, βττεξίόντβς καϊ μαγ^όμενοι 
oXiyoL TTyOo? τΓολλού? α^οετα? άττβΕβΙκνυντο, βσσω- 
θ€ντ€ς Be καϊ κατειληθβντες €9 το αστν συνήΧισαν 
€9 την άκρότΓολίν τά^ τ€ yvvatfca^ και τα τέκνα 
καΐ τα χρήματα καϊ τους οίκβτας, καϊ eireiTa 
ύττήψαν την άκρόττοΧιν ττάσαν ταύτην καίεσθαι, 
ταΰτα Be ττοιησαντβς καϊ συνομοσαντες όρκους 
Ββίνούς, €7Γ εξελθόντες άττεθανον ττάντες Ηάνθιοι 
μαχόμενοι, των Βε νυν Αυκίων φαμενων Ηανθίων 
είναι οΐ TToWoif ττΧην ο^Βώκοντα Ιστιεων, είσΐ 
εττήλυΒες' αΐ Βε ό^Βώκοντα Ιστίαι αύται ετυχον 
τηνικαυτα εκΒημεουσαι καΐ ούτω ττεριε'γενοντο. 
την μεν Βη Ξ,άνθον οΰτω εσχε ό " Α piracy ος, τταρα- 
ττΧησίως Βε καϊ την Ι^αυνον εσχε' καϊ yap οι 
Υίαύνιοι τους Αυκίους εμιμησαντο τα ττΧεω. 

177.• Τά μεν νυν κάτω της ^Ασίης " Ap^τayoς 
ανάστατα εττοίεε^ τα Βε άνω αύτης αύτος Έ^ΰρος, 
ττάν έθνος καταστρεφόμενος καΐ ούΒεν τταριείς, τα 
μεν νυν αυτών ττΧεω τταρήσομεν τα Βέ οι τταρε- 
σχε τε ττόνον πΧεΐστον καΐ άξιa7Γηyητότaτa εστί, 
τούτων εττιμνησομαι, 

178. Κϋρος ειτείτε τα ιτάντα της ηιτείρου ύττο- 
χείρια ετΓΟίήσατο, Άσσνρίοισι εττετίθετο. της Βε 
Ασσυρίης εστί μεν κου καϊ άλλα ττοΧίσματα 
μeyάXa ττοΧΧά, το Βε όνομαστότατον καϊ Ισχυρό- 
τατον καϊ ένθα σφι Νίνου ανάστατου yεvoμεvης 
τα βασιΧηια κατεστηκεε, ην ^αβυΧων^ εουσα 

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BOOK 1. 175-178 

men near Caria who held out for long against Har- 
pagus, and they gave him the most trouble ; they 
fortified a hill called Lide. 

176. The Pedasian stronghold being at length 
taken^ and Harpagus having led his army into the 
plain of Xaiithus^ tlie Lycians came out to meet him, 
and did valorous deeds in their battle against odds ; 
but being worsted and driven into the city they 
gathered into the citadel their wives and children 
ami goods and servants, and then set the whole 
citadel on fire. Then they swore each other great 
oaths, and sallying out they fell fighting, all the 
men of Xanthus. Of the Xanthians who claim 
now to be Lycians the greater number — all saving 
eighty households — are of foreign descent; these 
eighty families as it chanced were at that time 
away from the city, and thus they survived. Thus 
Harj)agus gained Xanthus, and Caunus too in some- 
wliat like manner, the Caunians folloAving for the 
most part the example of the Lycians. 

177. Harpagus then made havoc of lower Asia; 
in the uj)per country Cyrus himself subdued every 
nation, leaving none untouched. Of the greater 
part of these I Avill say noth' ig, but will speak only 
of those which gave Cyrub most trouble and are 
worthiest to be described. 

178. When Cyrus had brought all the mainland 
under his sway, he attacked the Assyrians. There 
are in Assyria many other great cities ; but the most 
famous and the strongest was Babylon, where the 
royal dAvelling had been set after the destruction 
of Ninus.^ Babylon was a city such as I will now 

* 606 B.C. Ninus = Nineveh. 

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τοιαύτη Srj Τί9 ττόλί?. κβεται iv ττεδιω μβ'γαΚω, 
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μετρίου εστί ττήχεος μεζων τρισΐ 8ακτύ\οισί. 

179. Αεί Si] με ττρος τούτοισί ετι φράσαι ίνα 
τε εκ της τάφρου η yr/ άναίσιμώθη, καΐ το τεϊχος 
όντινα τροττον ερ'γαστο. ορυσσοντες άμα την 
τάφρον εττΧίνθευον την 'γήν την εκ του ορνγματος 
εκφερομενην, εΧκύσαντες δε ττΧίνθους ίκανας 
ώτΓτησαν αύτάς εν καμίνοισΐ' μετά δε τεΚματι 
χρεωμένοι άσφαΚτω Θερμτ) καϊ Sta τριηκοντα 
Βόμων πΧίνθου ταρσούς καΧάμων 8ιαστοιβίΐ- 
ζοντες, ε^ειμαν ττρώτα μεν της τάφρου τα χείΧεα, 
δεύτερα δε αυτό το τεΐχος τον αύτον τροττον, 
εττάνω δε τον τείχεος παρά τα έσχατα οικήματα 
μουνόκωΧα ε^ειμαν, τετραμμενα ες άΧΧηΧα' το 
μέσον δε των οικημάτων εΧιττον τεθρίττττω ττεριε- 
Χασιν. πύΧαι δε ενεστάσι πέριξ του τείχεος 
εκατόν^ χάΧκεαι πάσαι, καϊ σταθμοί τε καϊ 
υπέρθυρα ωσαύτως, εστί δε άΧΧη πόΧις απέ- 
χουσα οκτώ ήμερεων oSov άπο ΏαβυΧωνος' 'Ίς 
οΰνομα αύττ}. ένθα εστί ποταμός ου με'γας' "Ι? 
και τω ποταμω το ουνομα• εσβάΧΧει δε ούτος ες 
τον Έιύφρήτην ΤΓΟταμον το ρέεθρον, ούτος ων 


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BOOK I. 178-179 

describe. It lies in a great plain^ and is in shape a 
square, each side an hundred and twenty furlongs in 
length ; thus four hundred and eighty furlongs make 
the complete circuit of the city. Such is the size of 
the city of Babylon; and it was planned like no other 
cit}^ whereof Ave know. Round it runs first a fosse 
deep and wide and full of water, and then a wall of 
fifty royal cubits' thickness and two hundred cubits* 
height. The royal cubit is greater by three fingers' 
breadth than the common cubit. ^ 

179. Further, I must show where the earth was 
used as it was taken from the fosse and in what 
manner the wall was wrought. As they dug the 
fosse, they made bricks of the earth which was 
carried out of the place they dug, and when they 
had moulded bricks enough they baked them in 
ovens; then using hot bitumen for cement and 
interposing layers of wattled reeds at every thirtieth 
course of bricks, they built first the border of the 
fosse and then the Avail itself in the same fashion. 
On the top, along the edges of the wall, they built 
houses of a single chamber, facing each other, with 
space enough between for the driving of a four-horse 
chariot. There are an hundred gates in the circle of the 
Avail, all of bronze, with posts and lintels of the same. 
There is another city, called Is,^ eight days' journey 
from Babylon, Avhere is a little river, also named Is, 
a tributary stream of the river Euphrates ; from the 

^ Common cubit, 18| inches : royal, 20^. 
^ The modern Hit or Ait, where the Euphrates enters the 
alluvial plain. 


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ες αύτον τον ποταμον, 

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φάρσεϊ εκατερω της πόΧιος ετετείχιστο εν μέσω 
εν τω μεν τά βασιΧήια περιβόΧω με^άΧω τ ε καΐ 
Ισχυρω, εν Βε τω ετέρω Αιος Βτ^λοι; Ιρον χαΧκό- 
πυΧον, κ αϊ ες ε με ετι τούτο εόν, Βύο σταΒίων 
πάντΎ), εον τετρά^ωνον, εν μέσω Βε τού ίρού 
πυρρός στέρεος οΙκοΒόμηται, σταΒίου και το μήκος 
και το εύρος, και επΙ τούτω τω πύρ^ω άΧΧος 

' Stein supposes that there was here a mention of steps 
leading to the river, and that καΐ αυταί is needless and spurious. 


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BOOK I. 179-ιδι 

source of this river Is rise with tlie water many 
gouts of bitumen ; and from thenee the bitumen was 
brought for the Λvall of Babylon. 

180. Thus then Mas this Avail built; the city is 
divided into two parts; for it is cut in half by a 
river named Euphrates, a Avide, deep, and SAvift river, 
flowing from Armenia and issuing into the Red Sea. 
The ends of the Avail, then, on either side are built 
quite down to the river ; here they turn, and hence 
a fence of baked bricks runs along each bank of the 
stream. The city itself is full of houses three and 
four stories high ; and tlie ways Avhich traverse it — 
those that run crosswise toAvards the river, and the 
rest — are all straight. Further, at the end of each 
road there was a gate in t!ie riverside fence, one 
gate for each alley ; these gates also were of bronze, 
and these too opened on the river. 

181. These Avails are the city's outer armour; 
within them there is another encircling wall, well- 
nigh as strong as the other, but narroAver. In the 
midmost of one division of the city stands the royal 
palace, surrounded by a high and strong Avail ; and 
in the midmost of the other is still to this day the 
sacred enclosure of Zeus Belus,^ a square of two fur- 
longs each Avay, Avith gates of bronze. In the centre 
of this enclosure a solid toAver has been built, of one 
furlong's length and breadth ; a second tower rises 

^ Bel or Baal, the greatest of Assyrian gods, 


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του i^r^ov καϊ άμτταύεσθαι εττί της κλίνης, κατά 
irep εν θήβησι τησι Αΐ^υ'πτίγσι κατοί τον αύτον 
τροττον, ώς Χε^ουσι οΐ Αΐ^ύιττιοί' καϊ yap hrj 
εκεΐθι κοιμάται εν τω του Αιος του θηβαιέος 
yuvi], άμφότεραι hk αύται XiyovTai άvhpώv ού- 
haμώv ες ομιΧίην φοιταν καϊ κατά περ εν 
Ώατάροισι της Αυκιης η ττρομαντις του θεον, 
εττεαν yevητaι' ου yap ών αΐεί εστί χρηστήριον 
αυτόθι' εττεαν he. yέvητaι τότε ών συyκaτaκXη- 
ίεται τας νύκτας εσω εν τω νηω. 

183. "Εστ6 δε του εν ΈαβυΧώνι ιροΰ καϊ αΧΧος 
κάτω νηός, ένθα ατ^α\μα μεya του Αιός ενι 
κατήμενον χρύσεον, και οΐ τράπεζα μεyάXη παρα- 
κέεται χρυσεη, και το βάθρον οι καϊ ο θρόνος 
χρύσεος εστί* καϊ ώς εXεyov οι ^aXhaioi, ταΧάν- 
των οκτακοσίων χρυσιου πεποιηται ταύτα, εξω 


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BOOK 1. 181-183 

from thiSj and from it yet another^ till at last there 
are eight. The way up to them mounts spirally 
outside all the towers ; about halfway in the ascent 
is a halting place^ Avith seats for repose^ Avhere those 
who ascend sit down and rest. In the last tower 
there is a great shrine ; and in it a great and Λνβΐΐ- 
covered couch is laid, and a golden table set hard 
by. But no image has been set up in the shrine, 
nor does any human creature lie therein for tlie 
night, except one native woman, chosen from all 
women by the god, as say the Chaldaeans, \vho are 
priests of this god. 

182. These same Chaldaeans say (but I do not 
believe them) that the god himself is wont to visit 
the shrine and rest upon the couch, even as in Thebes 
of Egypt, as the Egyptians say (for there too a 
woman sleeps in the temple of Theban Zeus,i and 
neither the Egyptian nor the Babylonian Avoman, it 
is said, has intercourse Avith men), and as it is like- 
wise with the prophetess of the god'^ at Patara in 
Lycia, whenever she be appointed ; for there is not 
always a place of divination there ; but when she is 
appointed she is shut up in the temple during the 

183. In the Babyloniantemple there is another shrine 
below, where is a great golden image of Zeus, sitting 
at a great golden table, and the footstool and the chair 
are also of gold ; the gold of the whole Avas said by 
the Chaldeans to be of eight hundred talents' weight. 

* Amon-Api (Greek *Αμ4νωφΐ5) ; cp. ii, 42. * Apollo. 


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δε του νηον βωμό^ εστί χρύσβυς, eaiL he καί 
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8η ίρον τούτο οΰτω κεκόσμηται, εστί δε κα\ iSia 
αναθήματα ττοΧΧά* 

184. Ύής δε Ί^αβυΧώνος ταύτης ττοΧΧοΙ μεν 
κου καΐ άΧΧοί iyivovTO βασιΧεες, των εν τοίσι 
Άσσυρίοισί Xoyoiai μνήμην Ίτοίήσομαι, οΐ τα 
τείχεά τε εττεκόσμησαν καΐ τα Ιρύ, εν δε δ?) καΐ 
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ύστερον yεvεf}σL ττεντε ιτροτερον yεvoμεvη, ttj 
ούνομα ην Έ^εμίραμις, αύτη μεν άττεΒεξατο -χώματα 
ανα το ττε^ίον εόντα άξίοθίητα' ττροτερον δε 
εώθεε ο ποταμός άνα το πεδίον πάν πεXayLζείv. 

185. Ή δε 8η δεύτερον yevo μένη ταύτης βασί- 
Xeta, τη ούνομα ην Νίτωκρις, αύτη δε συνετωτερη 
yεvoμεvη της προτερον αρξασης τούτο μεν μνημό- 
συνα εΧίπετο τα εγώ άπηyήσoμaL, τούτο δε την 
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εν δε δ^ και την Ntfoi^, π ροεφυΧάξατο οσα εΒύ- 


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BOOK 1. 183-185 

Outside of the temple is a golden altar. There is 
also another great altar, whereon are sacrificed the 
full-grown of the flocks ; only sucklings may be 
sacrificed on the golden altar, but on the greater 
altar the Chaldeans even offer a thousand talents' 
weight of frankincense yearly, when thev keep the 
festival of this god ; and in the days of Cyrus there 
was still in this sacred demesne a statue of solid 
gold twelve cubits high. 1 myself have not seen it, 
but 1 tell what is told by the Chaldeans. Darius son 
of Hystaspes purposed to take this statue but dared 
not ; Xerxes his son took it, and slew the priest who 
Λvarned him not to move the statue. Sucli' is the 
adornment of this temple, and there are many 
private off^erings besides. 

184. ΝοΛν among the many rulers of this city of 
Babylon (of whom I shall make mention in my 
Assyrian history), who finished the building of tlie 
Avails and the temples, fhere were two that were 
women. The first of these lived five generations 
earlier than the second, and her name was Semiramis : 
it was she who built dykes on the plain, a notable 
work ; before that the whole plain Avas Avont to be 
flooded by the river. 

185. The second queen, whose name was Nitocris, 
was a wiser Avoman than the first. She left such 
monuments as I shall record ; and moreover, seeing 
that the rulers of Media \vere powerful and unresting, 
insomuch that Ninus itself among other cities had 
fallen before them, she took such care as she could 


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τον τε ττοταμον σκοΧιον καΐ το ορν^μα τταν εΧος,. 
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ττερίοΒος της Χίμνης μάκρη. κατά τούτο δε 
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μενοι οί Μή8οι εκμανθάνοιεν αυτής τα ττρη^ματα, 
186. Ύαντα μεν 8η εκ βάθεος ττεριεβάΧετο, 
TOirjvZe 8ε εξ αυτών τταρενθήκην εττοιήσατο- της 


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BOOK I. 185-186 

for her protection. First she dealt with the river 
Euphrates, which flows through the middle of her 
city ; this had before been straight ; but by digging 
canals higher up she made the river so crooked that 
its course now passes thrice by one of the Assyrian 
villages; the village which is so approached by the 
Euphrates is called Ardericca. And now those who 
travel from our seas to Babylon must as the^float 
down the Euphrates spend three days in coming 
thrice to the same village. Such was this work ; 
and she built an embankment along either shore of 
the river, marvellous for its greatness and height. 
Then a long way above Babylon she dug the basin of 
a lake, a little way aside from the river, digging 
always deep enough to find water, and making the 
circuit of the lake a distance of four hundred and 
twenty furlongs ; all that was dug out of the basin 
she used to embank either edge of the river ; and 
when she had it all dug, she brought stones and 
made therewith a coping all round the basin. Her 
purpose in making the river to wind and turning the 
basin into a marsh was this — that the current might 
be slower by reason of the many windings that broke 
its force, and that the passages to Babylon might be 
crooked, and that next after them should come also 
the long circuit of the lake. All this work was done 
in that part of the country where are the passes and 
the shortest road from Media, that the Medes might 
not mix with her people and learn of her affairs. 

186. So she made the deep river her protection; 
and from this work grew another which she added to 

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€Κ των ττνΧί^ων €? τον ττοταμον φέρουσα^; ανοικο- 
δόμησε ττΧίνθοίσί οττττισι κατά τον αντον Xoyov 
τω τείχε'ί, τοντο he κατά μεσην κον μάΧιστα την 
ΤΓοΧιν τοΐσί Χιθοισί τονς ωρνξατο olκoh6μ€e 
yeφvpav, Βέονσα τον<ζ Χίθονς σιhήpω τ€ καϊ 
μoXvβhω. €7ΓίΤ€ίν€σκ€ he εττ αντην, οκως μεν 
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βασιν εττοίενντο οί ΒαβνΧώνιοΓ τα? δε νύκτας 
τα ξύΧα ταύτα άτταιρεεσκον Tovhe εϊνεκα. Ίνα μή 
Βιαφοιτέοντες τας ννκτα<ζ κΧετττοίεν ιταρ άΧΧη- 
Χων. ώ? δε τό τε ορνχΘεν Χίμνη ττΧηρης iyeyovee 
ντΓο τον ττοταμον καϊ τα ττερί την yεφvpav 
Ικεκοσμητο, τον Έύφρήτην ττοταμον ε'? τα αρχαία 
ρεεθρα εκ της Χίμνης εξήyayε, καϊ οντω το 
ορνχθεν εΧοζ yevόμεvov ες hiov εδό/ίεε yeyovivai 
καϊ τοΙσι ττοΧιητ7]σι yεφvpa ην κατεσκενασμενη. 

187. Ή δ' αντη αντη βασίΧεια καϊ άττατην 
τοιήνΒε τινά εμηχανησατο* νττερ των μάΧιστα 
Χεωφόρων ττνΧέων τού αστεος τάφον εωντη κατε- 

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BOOK I. 186-187 

it. Her city Avas divitled into two portions by tlie river 
which floNVed through tlie centre. Wlienever in tlic 
days of the former rulers one Avould pass over from 
one part to the other, lie must cross in a boat ; and 
this, as I sup])ose, Λvas troublesome. But the queen 
provided also for this ; when the digging of the basin 
of the lake was done^, she made another monument of 
her reign out of this same work. She had very long 
blocks of stone liCAvn ; and when these were ready 
and th^ place was dug, she turned the course of tlie 
river wholly into it, and while it Avas filling, tlie 
former channel being now dry, she bricked with 
baked bricks, like those of the wall, the borders of 
the river in the city and the descents from the gates 
leading down to the river; also about the middle of 
the city she built a bridge with the stones Λvhich 
had been dug up, binding them together with iron 
and lead. She laid across it square-hewn logs each 
morning, Avhereon the Babylonians crossed; but these 
logs Avere taken away for the night, lest folk should 
be ever crossing over and stealing from each other. 
I'lien, when the basin she had made for a lake was 
filled by the river and the bridge Λvas finished, 
Nitocris brought the Euphrates back to its former 
channel out of the lake ; thus she had served her 
purpose, as she thought, by making a swamp of the 
basin, and her citizens had a bridge ready for them. 
187. There was a trick, moreover, which this same 
queen contrived. She had a tomb made for herself 
and set high over the very gate of that entrance 01 

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σκευάσατο μετβωρορ βτητΓοΧης αυτάων των ττυ- 
\εων, βνεκοΧαψε Se e? τον τάφον γράμματα λε- 
yovra τά8ε. *' Ύων ης βμεύ ύστερον 'γινομένων 
\]αβν\ώνο<ζ βασιΧεων i)v σττανίστ] γ^ρημάτων, άνοί- 
ξας τον τάφον Χαβετω οκόσα βούΧεται γ^ρήματα' 
μη μεντοί <^/ε μη σττανίσας <ye αλλω^ άνοίζΐ]' ου 
yap άμεινον'^ ούτος 6 τάφος ην ακίνητος μέχρι 
ου ες Ααρεΐον περιηΧθε η βασίΧηίη- Ααρείω δε 
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μηΒεν χράσθαί, και χρημάτων κείμενων και αυτών 
των γραμμάτων ειτικαΧεομενων, μη ου Χαβεΐν 
αυτά• τ^^σί, δε ττύΧησι ταύτ^σι ού^εν εχράτο 
τοΰδε εΐνεκα, οτι νττερ κεφαΧης οι ε^ίνετο 6 
νεκρός 8ιεξεΧαύνοντι. άνοίξας δε τον τάφον εύρε 
χρήματα μεν ου, τον δε νεκρον καΐ γράμματα 
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καΐ αισχροκερδής, ουκ άν νεκρών θήκας άνεω^εςΓ 
αύτη μεν νυν η βασιΧεια τοιαύτη τις Χέζεται 

188. Ό δε hrj Κυρο? εττΐ ταύτης της γυναικός 
τον τταΐΖα εστρατεύετο, εχοντά τε του ττατμος του 
εωυτοϋ τούνομα Ααβυνήτου καΐ την ^ Ασσυριων 
αρχήν, στρατεύεται δε δ/; βασιλεύς ο με^ας καΐ 
σιτίοισι ευ εσκευασ μένος εξ οίκου και ττροβά- 
τοίσί, καΐ δϊ) καΐ ΰ8ωρ άττο του Χοάσττεω ττοτα- 
μου άμα άγεται του τταρα ^οΰσα ρέοντος^ του 
μούνου ττινει βασιΧεύς καΐ άΧΧου ού^ενος ττοτα- 
μοΰ. τούτου δε του Χοάσττεω του ΰ8ατος άττεψη- 
μενού ττοΧΧαΙ κάρτα αμαξαι τετ ράκυκΧοι ημιο- 
ιεαι κομιζουσαι εν άyyηίoισι άpyυpεoισι έπονται, 
οκτ] άν εΧαύντ) εκάστοτε. 

1S9. ^ν\ιτείτε δε ό Κΰρος ττορευόμενος εττϊ την 


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BOOK I. 187-189 

tlie city which was most iiseil, witli a writintr graven 
on the toinb_, wliich was tliis : '^ If any king of Babylon 
in future time lack mone}', let him open this tomb 
and take whatso money he desires: but let him not 
o])en it except he lack ; for it will be the worse for 
liini." This tomb remained untouched till the king- 
ship fell to Darius. He thought it a very strange 
thing that he should never use this gate, nor take 
the money when it lay there and the writing itself 
invited liim to the deed. The cause of his not 
using the gate was that tlie dead body must be over 
his liead as he passed through. Having opened the 
tomb, he found there no money^ but only the dead 
body, with this writing : '^ Wert thou not insatiate 
of wealth and basely desirous of gain, tliou hadst 
not 0})ened the coffins of the dead." Such a woman, 
it is recorded, Avas tliis queen. 

188. Cyrus, tlien, marched against Nitocris' son, 
who inherited the name of his father Labynetus and 
the sovereignty of Assyria. Now when the Great 
King marches he goes well provided with food and 
flocks from home ; and Λvater from the Choaspes 
which flows past Susa is carried with him, wliereof 
alone, and of none other, the king drinks. This 
water of the Choaspes^ is boiled, and very many four 
wheeled waggons drawn by mules carry it in silver 
vessels, following the king whithersoever he goes at 
any time. 

189. Wlien Cyrus on his way to Babylon came 

* Moilern Korkha. 

VOL. I. Κ ^^ 

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\1αβυ\ωνα iyirero εττΐ Fw'Sr] ποταμω, του at μεν 
ττη^αΐ iv Μ.ατίηνοϊσι ορεσι^ plec Se Sia Ααρ^ανβων, 
ifcSiSot Se βς erepov ττοταμον Tiypijv, ο Se τταρα 
^Ω,τΓΐν ττόΧιν ρβων ες την ^Κρυθρην θάΧασσαν 
εΛτδίδοΓ, τούτον Βη τον Τνν8ην ττοταμον ώς Sia- 
βαίνειν εττείράτο 6 Κύρος Ιόντα νηνσιπερητον, 
ενθαύτά οΐ των τις ιρων ίττπων των \ευκων νττο 
νβρως εσβάς ες τον ττοταμον 8ίαβαίνειν εττειράτο^ 
ο Se μιν συμ-^ησας ύττοβρύχ^ων οΐχ^ώ /cee φέρων, 
κάρτα τε Βη εχ^αΧεπαίνε τω ποταμω 6 Κύρος 
τούτο υβρίσαντι, fcai οΐ εττηττείΧησε ούτω Sr) μιν 
άσθενέα ττοιησειν ώστε τού Χοιττού καΐ γυναίκας 
μιν εύττετεως το ηονν ου βρεγούσας Βιαβησεσθαι, 
μετά Se την άττειΚην μβτείς την εττΐ ^αβνΧώνα 
στράτευσιν Βιαιρεε την στρατίην δί^α, ΒίεΧών 
Βε κατέτεινε σχοινοτενέας ύττοΒέξας Βιώρνχ^ας 
ο^Βώκοντα καΐ εκατόν τταρ εκάτερον το χεΐΧος 
τού ΓύνΒεω τετραμμενας ττάντα τρόπον, Βίατάξας 
Βε τον στρατον όρύσσ*ίΐν εκελενε. οΙα Se όμιΚου 
τΓοΧΧού εργαζομένου ηνετο μεν το epyov, όμως 
μέντοί την θερείην ττασαν αυτού ταύττ) Sii- 
τριψαν εργαζόμενοι. 

190. Ώ? Se. τον νύνΒην ττοταμον ετίσατο Κύρος 
ες τριηκοσίας καΐ εξηκοντα Βιώρυγ^άς μιν Sia- 
Χαβών, καΐ το Βεύτερον εαρ ύττεΧαμττε, ούτω Sr] 
ηΧαυνε εττΐ την ΒαβυΧώνα, οι δβ ΈαβυΧώΓίοι 
εκστρατευσάμενοί εμενον αυτόν, εττεί δε ejeveTo 
εΧαύνων άyχ^oύ της ττόΧίος, σννεβαΧόν τε οι 
ΒαβυΧώνιοι καΐ εσσωθεντες τη μάχτ} κατειΧη- 
Θησαν ες το άστυ. οϊα Se εξεττ ιστάμενοι ετι 
ττρότερον τον Κύρον ουκ άτρεμίζοντα, άΧΧ' όρέ- 
οντες αύτον τταντ) εθιεϊ. ομοίως εττ ι )(ει ρέοντα, 


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HOOK 1. 189-190 

to the river Gyndes,^ which rises in the inoinitaiiis 
of tlie Matieni and flows throufT;h the Dnrdanean 
country into another river, the Tii^ris, whicli a^^ain 
passes tlie city of Opis and issues into the Red Sea 
— Avhen Cyrus, I say, essayed to cross the Gyndcs, 
it being tliere navigable, one of his sacred Avhite 
horses daslied recklessly into the river that he 
might win through it, but the stream Avhelmcd him 
and swept him under and away. At this violent 
deed of the river Cyrus was very wroth, and he 
threatened it that he would make it so weak that 
women should ever after cross it easily without wet 
ting their knees. Having so threatened he ceased 
from his march against Babylon, and dividing his 
army into two parts he drew lines planning out a 
hundred and eighty canals running every way from 
either bank of the Gyndes ; then he arrayed his 
army along the lines and bade tiiem dig. Since a 
great multitude was at the work it went with all 
speed; yet they spent tiie whole summer there 
before it was finished. 

190. Then at the oj)ening of the second sjiring, 
when Cyrus had punished the Gyndes by ])arting it 
among the three hundred and sixty canals, he marched 
at last against ]5abylon. The Babylonians sallied out 
and awaited him ; and Λvhen in his march he came 
near to their city, they joined battle, but they were 
worsted and driven v. ithin the city. I'here, because 
they knew already that Cyrus was no man of peace, 
and saw that he attacked all nations alike, they had 
* Modern Diala. 


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ττροβσάξαντο σιτια βτβων κάρτα ttoWmp, ev- 
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τ ας παρά τά χζίΧεα τού ποταμού βΧ^ιΧαμένας, eXa- 

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BOOK Ι. igo-igi 

stored provision enoiip^h for very many years ; so 
now they cared notliinij for the siege ; and Cyrus 
knew not what to do, being so long delayed and 
gaining no advantage. 

191. Whetlier, then, someone advised him in his 
difficulty, or he perceived for himself Λvllat to do, I 
ΙίηοΛν not, but this he did : he posted his army at 
the place wliere tlie river enters tlie city, and another 
part of it where the stream issues from the city, and 
bade his men enter the city by the cliannel of the 
Euphrates when they should see it to be fordable. 
Having so arrayed them and given this command, he 
himself marched away with those of his army Λνΐιο 
could not fight ; and when he came to the lake, Cyrus 
dealt Λvith it and Λvith the river just as liad the J3aby- 
lonian queen : drawing off the river by a canal into 
the lake, whicli was till now a marsh, he made the 
stream to sink till its former channel could be forded. 
When this happened, the I^ersians Avho were posted 
Avith this intent made tlieir \vay into Babylon by the 
channel of the Euphrates, Λvhich had now sunk about 
to tlie height of tlie middle of a man's tliigh. Now 
if the Babylonians liad known beforeliand or learnt 
what Cyrus was planning, they would have suffered 
the Persians to enter the city and brought them to 
a miserable end ; for then they would have shut all 
the gates that opened on the river and themselves 
mounted up on to the \valls that ran along the river 


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βον αν σφ6α<ζ ώς• 6ΐ> κύρτγ), νυν Se €ξ άττροσ- 
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192. ΚαΙ ΈαβυΧων μεν ούτω τότε ττρωτον 
άραίρητο. την 8ε 8ύναμιν των ν>αβυ\ωνίων ττοΧ- 
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δε δη καΐ τωδε. βασιΧει τω με^άλω ες τροφην 
αυτού τε καΐ της στρατιης διαραίρηται, ιτάρεξ του 
φόρου, <γή ττασα όσης αργεί' δυώδεκα ων μηνών 
εόντων ες τον ενίαυτον τους τέσσερας μήνας 
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^ Αρταβάζου εκ βασιΧεος εχοντι τον νομον τούτον 
αργυρίου μεν Ίτροσηιε εκάστης ήμερης αρτάβη 
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τούτων είκοσι Ίττττους, κυνών δε Ινδικών τοσούτο 


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BOOK I. 191-193 

bankSj and so caught their enemies as in a trap. But 
as it was, the Persians were upon them unawares, 
and by reason of the great size of the city — so say 
those who dwell there — tliose in the outer parts of 
it were overcome, yet the dwellers in the middle 
part knew nothing of it ; all this time they were 
dancing and making merry at a festival which 
chanced to be toward, till they learnt the truth but 
too well. 

192. Thus was Babylon then for the first time 
taken. There are many proofs of the wealth of 
Babylon, but this in especial. All the land ruled by 
the great King is parcelled out for the provisioning of 
himself and his army, besides that it pays tribute : 
now the territory of Babylon feeds him for four 
out of the twelve months in the year, the whole of 
the rest of Asia providing for the other eight. 
Thus the wealth of Assyria is one third of the whole 
wealth of Asia. The governorship, which the Persians 
call ^^ satrapy," of this land is by far tlie greatest of 
all the governorships ; seeing that the daily revenue 
of Tritantaechmes son of Artabazus, governing this 
province by the king's will, was an artaba full of 
silver (the artaba is a Persian measure, containing 
more by three Attic choenixes than an Attic 
medimnus),^ and besides war chargers he had in 
his stables eight hundred stallions, and sixteen thou- 
sand brood mares, each stallion serving twenty mares. 
Moreover he kept so great a number of Indian dogs 

* The Attic medimnus = about 12 gallons ; it contained 
48 xoiPiKis. 


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αύτη εωυτής ενείΚΎ}^ επ\ τριηκόσια εκφέρει, τα 
Βε φύΧΧα αυτόθι των τε πυρών καϊ των κριθεων 
το πΧάτος yιvετaι τεσσερων εύπετεως ΒακτύΧων, 
εκ Βε κεyχpoυ καϊ σησάμου όσον τι ΒενΒρον μέya' 
θος yL•vετaι, εξεπιστάμενος μνήμην ου ποιησομαι, 
εύ εΙΒως οτι τοϊσι μη άπιyμεvoισι ες την Έαβυ- 
Χωνίην χώρην καϊ τά είρημένα καρπών εχόμενα 

* Stein marks a lacuna after this word, the meaning of 
τα ίλλο SiVSpco not being quite clear. 


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BOOK 1. 192-193 

that four great villages of the plain Avere api)ointed 
to provide food for the dogs and eased from all 
other burdens. Such were the riches of the gover- 
nor of Babylon. 

193. There is but little rain in Assyria. It is 
this which nourishes the roots of the corn ; but it is 
irrigation from the river that ripens the crop and 
brings the grain to fulness : it is not as in Egypt, Avhere 
the river itself rises and floods the fields: in Assyria 
they are watered by hand and by swinging beams.^ 
For the Avhole land of Babylon, like Egyj>t, is cut 
across by canals. The greatest of these is navigable : 
it. runs towards where the sun rises in winter, from 
the Eu])hrates to another river, the Tigris, by which 
stood the city of Ninus. This land is of all known 
to us by far the most fertile in corn. Trees it does 
not even essay to grow, fig, vine, or olive, but its 
corn is so abundant that it yields for the most part 
two hundred fold, and even three hundred fold when 
the harvest is best. The blades of the Avheat and 
barley there are easily four fingers broad ; and for 
millet and sesame, I will not say, though it is known 
to me, to what a height they groAv ; for I am Avell 
aware that even what I have said respecting corn is 
wholly disbelieved by those who have never visited 

* That is, by the '* shadoof," a familiar object to travellers 
on the Nile ; a lever with a bucket attached, revolving ou a 

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69 άτηστίην ττοΧΧην αιτίκται. -χρεωνται Se uvSev 
i\ai(u αλλ' η ifc των σησαμων iroievvre^. είσΐ 
he σφί φοίνικβς ττεφυ/ίότβς αι>α ττάυ το irehiov, 
οί irXevve^ αυτών καρττοφόροί, i/c των κα\ σιτία 
και οίνον καΙ μ€Χί ττοίβΰνται• τους συκβων τροττον 
θβρατΓβύουσί τά τ€ άλλα και φοινίκων του^ 
€ρσ€να<ζ 'ΈΧλ7]ν€^ καΧέουσι, τούτων τον καρττον 
irepiSeovac τγσι βάλανηφοροισί των φοινίκων, 
Ίνα ΤΓβτταίντ) τ€ σφι 6 ψην την βαΚανον βσΕύνων 
καΐ μη άττορρύη ό καρττος τον φοίνικος- ψηνας jap 
hrj φίρουσι iv τω καρττω οι epaeve^ κατά irep 8η 
οΐ οΧννθοί. 

194. Το δέ απάντων θώμα μί^ιστόν μοι €στΙ 
των ταύτη μβτά je αντην την ττοΧιν, έρχομαι 
φράσων τα ττΧοΐα αύτοίσι εστ\ τα κατά τον 
ττοταμον ττορβνομβνα 69 την \)αβυΧώνα, εόντα 
κνκΧοτβρία, Ίτάντα σκύτινα, Ιττεαν ηαρ iv τοϊσι 
^Αρμενίοίσι τοΐσι κατνττβρθε Άσσυρίων οίκημί- 
νοισι νομέας Ιτβης ταμόμενοι ττοιησωνται, ττερο- 
τείνουσι τούτοισι διφθέρας στε^αστρί^ας έξωθεν 
ε^άφεος τρόπον, ούτε ττρύμνην άττοκρίνοντες οΰτε 
ττρώρην συνά^οντες, αλλ* άσττί^ος τρόπον κνκΧο- 
τερεα ποιήσαντες καΐ καΧάμης πΧήσαντες παν το 
πΧοΐον τούτο απιείσι κατά τον ποταμον φερεσθαι, 
φορτίων πΧησαντες' μάΧιστα Βε βίκους φοι- 
νικηίους κατά^ουσι οίνου πΧεους. Ιθύνεται Βε 
υπό τε Βύο πΧήκτρων καΐ 8ύο άν8ρών ορθών 
εστεώτων, καΐ ο μεν εσω εΧκει το πΧηκτρον ο hi 
εξω ώθεει, ποιεεται hi καΐ κάρτα με^άΧα ταύτα 
τα πΧοΙα και εΧάσσω' τα hi μέγιστα αυτών καΐ 
πεντακισ^χ^ιΧιων ταΧάντων ^ομον ε^χ^ει. εν εκάστω 
hi πΧοίω όνος ζωός ενεστι^ iv hi τοΐσι μεζοσι 


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BOOK I. 193-194 

Babylonia. TJiey use no oil save ^vhat they make 
from sesame.^ There are palm trees there growing 
all over the plain, most of them yielding fruit,, from 
which food is made and wine and honey. The Assyrians 
tend these like figs, and chieHy in this resj^ect, that 
they tie the fruit of the palm called male by the Greeks 
to the date-bearing palm, that so the gall-fly may enter 
the dates and cause them to ripen, and that the fruit 
of the jiaim may not fall ; for the male pahiis, like 
unripened figs, have gall-flies in their fruit, 

194, 1 will now show what seems to me to be the 
most marvellous thing in the country, next to the 
city itself. Their boats w^hich ply on the river and go 
to Babylon are all of skins, and round. They make 
these in Armenia, higher up the stream than Assyria. 
First they cut frames of Avillow, then they stretch 
hides over these for a covering, making as it were a 
hold ; they neither broaden the stern nor narrow the 
prow, but the boat is round, like a shield. Thev 
then fill it with reeds and send it floating down the 
river with a cargo ; and it is for the most part palm 
wood casks of wine that they carry down. Two men 
standing upright steer the boat, each with a paddle, 
one drawing it to him, the other thrusting it from 
him. These boats are of all sizes, some small, some very 
great ; the greatest of them are even of five thousand 
talents- burden. There is a live ass in each boat, or 

* Sesame-oil or *' Benre-oil" is still in common use in the 

2 The Attic talent = about 58 lbs. avoirdupois ; the 
Aeginetan = about 82. 


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π\€νν€ζ» ίττεαν ων άττίκωνται ττΧεοντες €? την 
ΒαβυΧώνα καΐ ^ιαθίωνται τον φόρτον, νομέας 
μεν του ττΧοίου και την καΧάμην ττασαν άττ ων 
έκηρυξαν, τά<ζ δε ΒιφΘ€ρα<; βττίσάξαντβς βττΐ τού<; 
όνους άττεΚαύνουσι €9 τού^ 'Αρμ€νίον<;, άνα τον 
τΓοταμον yap ^η ουκ οΐά Τ6 εστί πΧέβιν ούΒενϊ 
τρόπω ύπο τάχ€ος του ποταμού' Βια yap ταύτα 
και ουκ εκ ζνΧων ποιεύνταί τα πΧοΐα άΧΧ €κ 
Βίφθερβων, €πεαν δε τους όνους βΧαύνοντες απί- 
κωνται οπίσω ές τους ^Αρμενίους^ αΧΧα τρόπω τω 
αύτω ποίβΰνται πΧοΐα, 

195. Τα μεν 8η πΧοΐα αύτοίσι εστϊ τοιαύτα* 
εσθήτί δε τοίτ}Βε 'χ^ρεωνται, κιθώνι ποΖηνεκει 
Χινεω, κα\ επΙ τούτον άΧΧον είρίνεον κιθωνα 
επεν^ύνεί καϊ γΧανί^ίον Χευκον πβριβαΧΧόμενος, 
υποΒτ)ματα εγων επιγωρια^ παραπΧησια τησι 
Έοιωτίησο εμβάσι» κομωντες δε τα? κεφαΧας 
μίτρτ)σί avaheovTai, μεμυρισμ^νοι πάν το σώμα* 
σφρη^ίΒα δε έκαστος έχει καϊ σκήπτρον χειρο- 
ποίητον* επ* εκάστω δε σκηπτρω επεστι πεποίη- 
μένον η μηΧον ή poSov ή κρίνον ή αίετος ή ίίλΧο 
τί• α-τευ yap επισήμου ου σφι νόμος εστϊ εχειν 

196. Αύτη μεν 8ή σφι αρτισις περί το σώμα 
εστί* νόμοι δε αύτοίσι ώδε κατεστάσι, ό μεν 
σοφώτατος 68ε κατά yvώμηv την ημετερην, τω 
καϊ ^ΐΧΧυριών Ενετούς πυνθάνομαι χ^ράσθαι, 
κατά κώμας εκάστας άπαξ του ετεος εκάστου 
εποιεετο τάΒε* ώς αν αΐ παρθένοι yεvoίaτo yάμωv 
ώραϊαι, ταύτας οκως συvayάyoιev πάσας, ες εν 
'χωρίον εσάyεσκov άΧεας, πέριξ δε αύτας ΐστατο 
ομιΧος άνΒρών, άνιστας δε κατά μίαν εκάστην 

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ΠΟΟΚ I. 194-196 

more than one in the lariier. So when they have 
floated down to iiihylon and disposed of tlieir car^o, 
they sell the fia-neAvork of the boat and all the 
reeds ; the hides are set on the backs of asses, which 
are then driven back to Armenia^ for it is not bv 
any means possible to ίξο η ρ stream by^water, by 
reason of the swiftness of the current ; it is for this 
reason that they make their boats of hides and not 
of wood. WJien they liave driven their asses back 
into Armenia they make more boats in the same 

195. Such then are their boats. For clothing, they 
wear a linen tunic, reachinir to the feet ; over this 
the Babylonian puts on anotiier tunic, of wool, and 
wraps himself in a white mantle ; he wears the shoes 
of his country, which are like Boeotian sandals. 
Their hair is Λvorn loiu^, and covered by ca])s ; the 
whole body is perfmned. Iwery man has a seal and 
a carven staff, and on every staff is some image, such 
as that of an api)lc or a rose or a lily or an eagle : no 
one carries a staff without a device. 

196. Such is the equipment of their persons. I 
will now speak of their established customs. The 
wisest of these, in my judgment, is one Λvhich 
as I have heard is also a custom of the Eneti in 
Illyria. It is this : once a year in every village all 
the maidens as they came to marriageable age were 
collected and brought together into one place, with 
a crowd of men standing round. Then a crier would 
displa}^ and offer them for sale one by one, first 


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κήρυξ 7Γω\έ€σ/€€, ττρωτα μβρ την ευειΖβστάτην ere 
ττασβων /χβτα δε, οκω<ζ αΰτη βυρουσα iroWov 
χρυσίον τΓρηθείΐ], άΧΧην αν Ικηρυσσε ή μβτ 
εκείνην €σκ€ βύβίΒβστάττ]' βττωΧβοντο Be iirl 
σννοίκήσι. όσοι, μεν 8η εσκον εύ^αίμονε'ζ των 
]^αβνΧωνίων εττί'γαμοί, νττερβάΧλοντε^ άΧλή\ον<ζ 
εξωνεοντο τά^ καΧΚυστευούσα^' όσοι ^ε του Ζημου 
εσκον ε7TLyaμoL, ούτοι 8ε εϊόεος μεν ούΒεν εΒεοντο 
'χρηστού, οΐ δ' αν χρήματα τε καΐ αίσχίονας 
παρθένους εΧάμβανον. ώ? yap Βη ΒιεξεΧθοι 6 
κΫ]ρυξ ττωΧεων τα? εύειΒεστάτας των τταρθενων, 
άνυστη αν την αμορφεστάτην, ή εϊ τις αυτεων 
εμττηρος εϊη, και ταύτην αν εκήρνσσε, οστίς θεΧοί 
εΧάχιστον χρυσίον Χαβων συνοίκεευν αύττ], ες ο 
τω το εΧάχιστον υτησταμενω ττροσεκειτο. το Βε 
αν χρυσίον ε^ίνετο άττο των εύειΒεων τταρΘενων 
και ούτω αι ευμορφοι τας άμορφους καΐ εμττι]ρους 
έξεΒίΒοσαν. εκΒούναι Βε την εωυτού θυγατέρα 
οτεω βούΧοιτο έκαστος ουκ εξΡρ, ούΒε άνευ iy- 
γυ7;τ€&) ά'πάyεσθaL την τταρθενον ττρίάμενον, άΧΧ' 
εyyυητaς χρήν καταστήσαντα η μίν συνοίκήσειν 
aiJTpf, ούτω άπdyεσθaL•. εΐ Βε μη συμφεροίατο, 
άτΓοφερειν το χρυσίον εκείτο νόμος, ^ζήν Βε καΐ 
εξ αλλ?/? εΧθόντα κώμης τον βουΧόμενον ώνε- 
εσθαι» ο μεν νυν καΧΧιστος νόμος ούτος σφί ην, 
ου μεντοι νυν ye ΒίατεΧεεί εών, αΧ\ο Βε τι εξευρή- 
κασι νεωστΧ yεvεσθaι [ϊνα μη άΒικοΐεν αύτας μηΒ' 
εΙς ετεραν ττόΧιν ayωvτaι]'^ εττείτε yap άΧόντες 
εκακώθησαν καΐ οίκοφθορήθησαν, ττάς τις του δ?;- 
μου βίου σττανίζων καταττορνεύει τα θήΧεα τέκνα, 

^ The words in brackets do not seem to be relevant hero ; 
they might more naturally come after οΰτω ίπά'γ€σΘαι above. 


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BOOK I. 196 

the fairest of all ; and then when she had fetched 
a threat })rice he j)ut up for sale the next comeliest, 
selling all the maidens as lawful wives. Rich men 
of Assyria who desired to marry wonld outbid each 
other for the fairest; the commonalty^ who desired 
to marry and cared nothing for beauty, could take 
the ill-favoured damsels and money therewith ; for 
when the crier had sold all the comeliest, he 
would put up her that was least beautiful, or 
crip])led, and offer lier to whosoever would take 
her to wife for the least sunij till she fell to him 
who promised to accept least ; the money came 
from the sale of the comely damsels, and so they 
paid the dowry of the ill-favoured and the crip- 
ples. Hut a man might not give his daughter in 
marriage to whomsoever he would, nor might he 
that bought the girl take her away Λvithout giving 
security tliat he would indeed make her his wife. 
And if the two could not agree, it Λvas a law that 
the money bo returned. Men might also come from 
other villages to buy if they so desired. This then 
was their best custom ; but it does not continue at 
this time ; they have invented a new one lately 
[that the woman might not be Avronged or taken to 
another city] ; since the conquest of Babylon made 
them afflicted and poor, everyone of the commonalty 
that lacks a livelihood makes prostitutes of his 


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197. Α€ύτ€ρος Be σοφίτ] oSe αλΧος σφι Γ{)μο<ζ 
κατβστηκβ' τους κάμνοντας eV την α^υρην mc^ope- 
ονσι• ου yap Βη γρίωνταί ΙητροΊσι. ττρυσίί.^τε'^ 
ων 7Γ ρος τον κάμ.νοντα συμβουΧβύονσί irepL tj^? 
νούσου, βϊ τζ-9 καΐ αντυ<ζ τοιούτο βτταθε οκοΐον αν 
βχΎ) ό καμνων ή άΧλορ elBe τταθάντα^ ταντα ττροσ- 
ιόντβς σνμβου\€ν(ησι καϊ ηταραιναονσί ασσα 
αυτο^ TTOiijaa^ i^eipvye ομοιην νοΰσον i/ nWov 
eiSe €κφνγυντα, ^^yf} Be Trape^eXOelv τον κά- 
μνοντα ου σφί €ς€στί, ττρίν αν tτreιpητaί ηντινα 
νονσον €χ€{. 

198. ΎαφαΙ Be σφί iv μίΧίτι, Θρ?}νηί Be τταρα- 
ττΧησιοι τοίσι iv Alyv7TT(p, όσά^'ί^ δ' αν μιχ^θ?) 
yvvaiKl τ^ αουτού άνηρ ΜαβυΧώνίο^, irepl Ονμί- 
ημα κaτayiζί}μevϋv itei, (ΐτ^ρωθυ Be η yvvi] τωντο 
τούτο TTOLecL, όρθρου Be yepoμά'ov Χοΰτταί κηΐ 
αμφυτβροί' ayyeo'i yap ovBevo^ αψονται 7Tp\v 
αν Χούσωνταί. ταύτα Be ταύτα καϊ Άράβιοι 

199. -^ Ό Be Βη αϊσ)^ίστος των νόμων €στΙ τοΙσι 
ΒαβυΧωνίοισι oBe- Bel πα σαν yvval^a ΙττιχωρΙην 
ίζομ€ν7]ν €9 ίρον ΆφροΒίτη^ άπαξ iv ττ; ζάΐ] 
μιχθηναί άνΒρΙ ξείνω, ποΧΧαΙ Be καϊ ουκ άξΐ€ύ- 
μβναί άvaμίσyeσθaL ττ]σι άΧΧτ}σί, οϊα πΧουτω 
ύπερφρονίουσαι, iπl ζeυyeωv iv καμάρϊ]σι iXd- 
σασαι προ<ζ το Ιρον εστασί' Θβραπηίη Be σφι 
οπισθε βπβταί ποΧΧή. αΐ Be πΧενί'ες ποιβύσι ώΒε' 
iv τεμίνεΐ ^ΑφροΒίτης κατεα.ται στεφανον περί 
Τ7]σι κεφαΧ?]σί εχουσαί ΘώμLyyo<; ποΧΧαΙ yvvai- 
κε^' at μεν yap προσέρχονται, at Βε απέρχονται.. 

^ Threo iiflconth oentury Λί88. omit, Llie wliole of Lhjr: 


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BOOK ί. I97-T99 

197. I come now to the next wisest of their cus- 
toms : having no use for physicians, they carry the 
sick into the market-j^Kice ; then tliose wlio have been 
afflicted themselves by tlie same ill as the sick man's, 
or seen others in like case, come near and advise him 
about his disease and comfort him, telling him by 

.what means they have themselves recovered of it or 
seen others so recover. None may pass by the sick 
man without speaking and asking Avhat is his sickness. 

198. The dead are embalmed in honey for burial, 
and their dirges are like to the dirges of Egvj^t. 
Whenever a Babylonian has had intercourse Avith his 
wife, they both sit before a burnt offering of incense, 
and at dawn they wash themselves ; they will touch 
no vessel before this is done. This is the custoni 
also in Arabia. 

199. The foulest Babylonian custom is that which 
compels every Λvoman of the land once in lier life to 
sit in the temple of Aplirodite and have intercourse 
with some stranger. Many women who are rich and 
proud and disdain to consort Avitli the rest, drive to 
the temple in covered carriages drawn by teams, and 
there stand with a great retinue of attendants. But 
most sit down in the sacred plot of Aphrodite, Avith 
crowns of cord on their heads ; there is a great 
multitude of women coming and going ; passages 
marked by line run every way through the crowd, by 
which the stranger men pass and make their choice. 


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σ'χ^οινοΊ€ν6€ς Be ΒίεξοΒοι ττάντα τρόττον 6So)v 
ej(ovai Βίά των <γνναίκών, δί.' ών οΐ ξβΐνοί Βιεξι- 
όντες i/cXeyovrar €νθα Ιττεαν ΐζηται yvvij, ου ττρό- 
jepov άττα\Χάσσ€ταν e? τα oLfCia ij τις οι ξείνων 
αρηύριον βμβαΚων €9 τα ηούνατα μ^ι^χΘτ} βξω τον 
Ιρον' βμβαΧόντα δε See elrrelv τοσόνΒε• '^'ϊίπι- 
καΧβω τοί την θβον Μ^λ^ττα." ΜνΧιττα Se 
καΧάονσι την ^Αφρο8ίτην \\σσύριοί. το he apyv- 
ρίον pLeyaOo^ ^στί όσον ων ου yap μη άττωσηταί' 
ου yap οΐ θίμί<^ εστί' yίveτaL yap Ιρον τούτο τυ 
apyvpiov, τω he ττρώτω εμβαλόντι έπεται ovhe 
άτΓοΒοκίμα ούΒενα. εττεαν 8ε μιχ^ΐ], άττοσιωσα- 
μένη τη Θεω άτταΧΚάσσεται ες τα οΙκία, καΐ τωττο 
τούτου ουκ ούτω μεya τι οι Εώσεις ως μιν Χάμ- 
ψεαι. οσαι μεν νυν εϊΒεός τε ετταμμεναί είσι 
καΐ μεy άθεος, ταχύ άπαΧΧάσσονταί^ οσαι he 
(ίμορφοί αύτεων εισί, χρονον ττοΧΧον ττροσμενουσι 
ου Βυνάμεναί τον νόμον εκττΧησα^ καΐ yap τριε- 
τεα καΐ τετραέτεα μετεξετεραι χρόνου μενονσί. 
ενιαχη he καϊ της ΙίύτΓρου εστί τταραττΧησίος 
τούτω νομός. 

200. Νόμοί μεν Βη τοίσι Ί^αβυΧωνίοίσι ούτοι 
κατεστάσΐ' είσϊ δε αυτών ττατριαΐ τρεΐς at oύhev 
αΧΧο σιτεονται εΐ μη ΙχΘυς μοΰνον, τους εττείτε tw 
θηρεύσαντες αύηνωσι ττρος ήλίον, ττοιευσι τάhε 
εσβάΧΧουσί ες οΧμον κ,αι Χεηναντες υπέροισι 
σώσι hia σινΒόνος, καί ος μεν αν βούΧηται αυτών 
άτε μαζαν μαξάμενος έχει, ο δε άρτου τρόττον 

201. Ώ? δε τω Κ^ρω κα\ τούτο το έθνος κατερ- 
yaστo, επεθύμησε Μασσαγε'τα? ύττ^ εωυτω ποίψ 
σασθαι. το he έθνος τούτο καΐ μeya XeyeTai 


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BOOK Ι. 199-201 

When a woman has once taken her place there she 
goes not away to lier home before some stranger 
has cast money into her lap nnd had intercourse 
with her outside the temple ; but while he casts the 
money^ he must say^ " I demand thee in the name 
of Mylitta " (that is the Assyrian name for Aphrodite). 
It matters not Λvhat be the sum of the money; the 
woman will never refuse, for that were a sin, the 
money being by this act made sacred. So she follows 
the first man who casts it and rejects none. After 
their intercourse slie has made herself holy in the 
goddess's sight and goes away to her home ; and 
thereafter there is no bribe however great that will 
get her. So then the women that are fair and tall 
are soon free to depart, but the uncomely have long 
to wait because they cannot fulfil the law ; for some 
of them remain for three years, or four. There is 
a custom like to this in some parts of Cyprus. 

200. These are established customs among the 
Babylonians. Moreover, there are in the country 
three tribes that eat nothing but fish, which they 
catch and dry in the sun ; then after casting them 
into a mortar they bray them with pestles and strain 
all through linen. Then whoever so desires kneads 
as it were a cake of it and eats it; others bake it like 

201. When Cyrus had conquered this nation also, 
he desired to subdue the Massagetae. These are 


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elvat καΧ άΧκίμον, οίκημένον Se προς ήώ Τ€ καΐ 
ηΧίου άνατοΧάς, ττβρην του ^ Κράξβω ποταμού, 
άντίον he ^Ισσηόόνων άνΖρών, είσΐ he o'irive^; καΐ 
%κυθίκον Xeyovai τούτο το €θνο<; elvat. 

202. Ό he ^Αράξη^ζ XeyeTUi και μίζων καΐ 
βΧάσσων elvai του "Ιστρου* νήσους he ev αύτω 
Αέσβο) μeyάθ€a παραπΧησιας συχνής φασι elvai, 
iv he αύττ)σί ανθρώπους οΐ σιτίονται μ€ν ρίζας το 
θ^ρος 6ρύσσοντ€ς παντοίας* καρπούς Se άπο Bev- 
Βρ€ων eξeυpημevoυς σφι 69 φορβην κατατίθβσθαι 
ωραίους, καΐ τούτους σιτe€σθat την χeLμepivηv. 
αΚΧα he σφι έξευρησθαι hevhpea καρπούς Toiooahe 
τινας φέροντα, τους eVetVe αν 4ς τώυτο συνέΧθωσί 
κατά €Ϊ'λα9 καΐ πυρ άνακαυσωνται κύκΧω vrepi- 
ιζομίνους eπtβάXX6Lv έπΙ το πυρ, οσφραινομένους 
he κατα^ίζομένου του καρπού του έπιβαΧΧομένου 
μ€θύσκ€σθαί τχι οΒμτ} κατά π€ρ '^ΈιΧΧηνας τω 
οϊνγ, πΧ^υνος Be €πίβαΧΧομένου του καρπού μάΧ- 
Χον μβθυσκβσθαι, €ς ο e? ορχησίν τ€ άνίστασθαι 
καΐ €ς άοιΒην άπcκveeσθaι* τούτων μίν αϋτη 
XeyeTai Βίαιτα είναι, 6 he 'Άράξης ποταμός peei 
μ€ν eK ^Ιατιηνών, oOev π€ρ ο Tύvhης τον €ς τας 
Βίώρνχας τας έξηκοντά Τ€ καΐ τριηκοσίας ΒιίΧαβε 
ο Κί}ρο9, στομασι he eξep€ύyeτaι τ€σσ6ράκοντα, 
των τα πάντα πΧην ίνος €ς eXea τβ καΐ Tevayea 
CKhihoc* iv τοΊσι ανθρώπους κατοικησθαι Xeyoυσι 
Ιχθύς ώμους σίτeoμevoυς, Ισθητι he νομίζοντας 
χράσθαι φωκέων heρμaσt, το he ev των στομά- 
των του Άράξ€ω peei hca καθαρού ές την Ι^ασπίην 

203, *Η he Κασπίη θάΧασσα έστΙ eV €ωυτής, 
ου συμμίσyoυσa τΐ] eTeprj θαΧάσστ}, την μίν yap 


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nooK ί. 20I- 


s.'iid to be a ij^reat })c<)]>le and a mighty, dwelling 
towards tlie east and the sunrise, beyond the Araxes 
and over against the Issedones; and some say that 
they are a Scythian j)eople. 

'202, The Araxes is l>y some said to he greater and 
by some less than the ister. It is reported that there 
are many ishmds in it as big as l.esbos, and men 
thereon \yho in summer live on roots of all kinds that 
they dig uj), and in winter on fruit that they get from 
trees and store wlien it is ripe for food ; and they 
know (it is said) of trees whieh have a fruit ΛvheΓeof 
this is the eifect : assembling in comj)anies and 
kindling a fire, tlie people sit round it and throw the 
fruit into the flames, then the smell of it as it burns 
makes them drunk as the Greeks are with wine, and 
more and more drunk as more fruit is thrown on 
the fire, till at last they rise up to dance and even 
sing. Such is said to be their way of life. The 
Araxes^ flows from the eountry of the Matieni — as 
does the Gyndes, which Cyrus divided into the three 
hundred and sixty channels — and empties itself 
through forty mouths, Avhereof all except one issue 
into bogs and sAvamps, where men are said to live 
whose food is raw fish, and their customary dress 
sealskins. The one remaining stream of the Araxes 
flows in a clear channel into the Casj^an sea. 

203. This is a sea by itself, not joined to the other 
sea. For that whereon the Greeks sail, and the sea 

^ The Araxes of this chapter appears to be, from the de- 
scription of its course, the modern Aras. But the Araxes of 
ch. '205, separating Cyrus' kingdom from the Massagetae, 
must be either the Oxus (Jihon) or Jaxartes (Sihon), both of 
which now flow into the Aral Sea. For a full discussion 
of the question the reailer is referred to Essay IX. in the 
Appendix to Book I. of Rawlinson's Herodotus, 

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"ΚΧλ7]Ρ€<ζ pavTiWovrac πάσα καϊ ή βξω στηΧεων 
θάλασσα η *Ατλα^τΐ9 KaXeo^evi] καϊ ή Έρνθρη 
μία Ιου σα τνηγάνει• η he Κ.ασπίη eVrl ετίρη tV 
εωντής, βονσα μήκος μεν ττΧόου είρεσίτ) γ^ρβωμενω 
ττεντεκαίΒεκα ημερεων, εύρος Si, rfj ευρύτατη εστί 
αύτη εωυτής, οκτώ ημερεων, καϊ τα μεν ττρος 
την εσττερην φέροντα της θαΧάσσης ταύτης 6 
Καύκασος τταρατεινει, εον ορέων καΐ ιτΧηθεϊ με- 
ηιστον καϊ με^άθεϊ ύψηΧότατον. εθνεα 8ε ανθρώ- 
πων πολλά και παντοία εν εωυτω e%ei 6 Καύ- 
κασος, τα ποΧλα πάντα απ ύλης ά^ρίης ζώοντα' 
εν τοΐσί καϊ Βεν^ρεα φυλΧα τοίήσ8ε 18εης παρεγ^ό- 
μένα είναι λβγετα^, τα τρίβοντας τε καϊ παρα- 
μίσ'γοντας ΰ8ωρ ζωα εωυτοίσι ες την εσθ?]τα 
ε'^^ράφειν τα 8ε ζωα υύκ εκπΧύνεσθαι, άΧ\α 
σν^κατα^ηράσκειν τω αλΧω είριω κατά περ 
ενυφανθεντα άρχ/]ν, μΐξιν 8ε τούτων των ανθρώ- 
πων είναι εμφανεα κατά περ τοΐσι προβάτοισι. 

204. Τα μεν 8η προς εσπερην της ΘαΧάσσης 
ταύτης της Κασπίης καΧεομενης 6 Καύκασος 
άπερΎει, τα 8ε προς ηώ τε καϊ ήλιον άνατεΧΧοντα 
πε8ίον εκ8εκεται πΧήθος άπειρον ες αποψιν. του 
ών 8η πε8ίου τούτου του με^άΧου ουκ εΧαγίστην 
μοΐραν μετε'χ^ουσι οι Ί^^Ιασσα^εται, επ ους 6 Κύρος 
εσχ€ προθυμίην στρατεύσασθαι. ποΧΧά τε yap 
μιν καϊ με-γάΧα τα επαειροντα καϊ εποτρύνοντα 
ην, πρώτον μεν η ^ενεσις^ το 8οκεειν πΧεον τι 
είναι ανθρώπου, 8εύτερα 8ε ή εύτυ-χίη η κατά 
τους ποΧεμους γενομένη• okyj yap Ιθύσειε στρα- 
τεύεσθαι Κύρος, άμή'χανυν ην εκείνο το έθνος 

205. 'Hj/ 8ε του άνόρος αποθανόντος ^υνη των 

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BOOK I. 203.205 

beyond tlae pillars of Heracles, which they call 
Atlantic, and the Red Sea, are all one : but the 
Caspian is separate and by itself. Its length is what 
a ship rowed by oars can traverse in fifteen days, and 
its breadth, where it is broadest, is an eight days' 
journey. Along its western shore stretches the range 
of Caucasus, which has more and higher mountains 
than any other range. Many and all manner of 
nations dAvell in the Caucasus, and the most of them 
live on tiie fruits of the wild wood. Here, it is said, 
are trees growing leaves that men crush and mix 
with water and use for the painting of figures on 
their clothing ; tliese figures cannot be washed out, 
but last as long as the wool, as if they had been 
woven into it from the first. Men and women here 
(they say) have intercourse openly, like beasts of 
the flock. 

204. This sea called Caspian is hemmed in to the 
west by the Caucasus : towards the east and the sun- 
rise there stretches from its shores a boundless plain 
as far as sight can reach. The greater part of this 
wide plain is the country of the Massagetae, against 
whom Cyrus was eager to lead his army. For there 
were many reasons of weight that heartened and 
encouraged him so to do : first, his birth, Λvhereby 
he seemed to be something more than mortal man, 
and next, his victories in his wars ; for no nation 
that Cyrus undertook to attack could escape from 

205. Now at this time the Massagetae were ruled 


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Μασσαγ€τ6α)ϊ/ βασίΧ^ια* Ύόμνρίς οΐ ^ν ονρομα, 
ταύτην ττέμπων 6 Κύρος βμνάτο τω λόγω θίΧων 
yvvaljca ην β-χΕίν» η he Ύόμυρις σννΐ€Ϊσα ουκ 
αυτήν μιν μνώμ^νον άΧλα την Μασσαγετβωτ^ 
βασιΚηίην, άτΓβίττατο την ττροσοΒον, Κύρος Be 
μβτα τούτο, ως οΐ δόλω ου ττροβχώρββ, βΧάσας 4πϊ 
τον *Αράξ€α €7Γθί€€το i/c τού βμφανβος βττΐ τους 
Μασσαγ^τα? στρατηίην, 'γ€φύρας τ€ ζβυ^νύων iirl 
τού ΤΓΟταμού Ζιάβασιν τω στρατω, καί ττύρ'^ους 
€πΙ ττΧοίων των Βίαττορθμευόντων τον ττοταμον 

206. "Έί'χ^οντι Bi οΐ τούτον τον ττόνον πέμψασα 
η Ύομνρίς κήρυκα Ιλβγβ τάδβ. "Ώ βασιΚεύ Μ?;- 
Βων, τταύσαι σττεύΒων τά σ7Γ€υδ€ί9• ου yap αν βΙΒείη^ 
€Ϊ TOL ες καιρόν βσταί ταύτα τεΚεόμενα' τταυσά- 
μβνος Be βασίλευε των σεωυτού, καΐ ήμεας άνεχεν 
ορέων άρχοντας των ire ρ άρχο μεν* οΰκων εθεΧήσεις 
ύπτοθήκησι τγισιΒε χράσθαι, άΧλα ττάντως μαΧλον 
η δί' ήσυχίης είναι* συ Βή ει με^άΧως ττροθυμεαι 
Μασσα^ετεων ττειρηθηναι^ φέρε μόχθον μΙν τον 
έχεις ζευ^νύς τον ττοταμον αττες, συ Βε ήμεων 
αναχωρησάντων άττο τού ττοταμού τριών ήμερεων 
οΒον Βιάβαινε ες την ήμετέρην εΐ δ* ήμεας βού- 
Χεαι εσΒεξασθαι μάΧΧον ες την ύμετερην, συ 
τώυτο τούτο ττοίεε*^ ταύτα Βε άκουσας 6 Κύρος 
συνεκάΧεσε Τίερσέων τους ττρώτους^ συνα^είρας 
Βε τούτους ες μέσον σφι ττροετίθεε το ιτρη^μα, 
συμβουλευόμενος οκότερα ττοιετ], των Βε κατά 
τώυτο αϊ ^νώμαι συνεξεττ ήττον κεΧευόντων εσΒέ- 
κεσθαι Ύόμυρίν τε καί τον στρατον αυτής eV 
την χώρην» 

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BOOK I. 205-206 

by a queen, called Tomyris, whose husband was dead. 
Cyrus sent a message vrlth a pretence of wooing her 
for his Avife, but Tomyris Avould have none of this 
advance, well understanding that he wooed not her 
but the kingdom of the Massagetae. So when guile 
availed him nothing Cyrus marched to the Araxes 
and openly prepared to attack the Massagetae ; he 
bridged the river that his army might cross, and 
built toAvers on the pontoons that should carry his 
men over. 

206. But Avhile he was at this Avork Tomyris sent 
a herald to him with this message : "Cease, king of 
the Medes, from that on which you are intent ; for 
you cannot know if the completion of this work will 
be for your advantage. Cease, and be king of your 
own country ; and be patient to see us ruling those 
whom we rule. But if you will not take this counsel, 
and Λνΐΐΐ do all rather than remain at peace, then if 
you so greatly desire to essay the strength of the 
Massagetae, do you quit your present labour of 
bridging the river, and suffer us to draw off three 
days' journey from the Araxes ; and when that is 
done, cross into our country. Or if you desire rather 
to receive us into your country, do you then yourself 
withdraw as I have said." Hearing this, Cyrus 
assembled the chief among the Persians and laid the 
matter before them, asking them to advise him 
which he should do. They all spoke to the same 
purpose, urging him to suffer Tomyris and her army 
to enter his country. 


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207. HapecuP Be και μβμφόμενος την tyvoy^^^v 
ταύτην ΚροΓσος 6 Λυδό? άττβΒβίκνυτο βναντίην τ?; 
ττροκβίμίντ} 'γνώμτ}^ Χε^ων τάδε. "'ί1 βασιΧευ, 
eliTOV μβρ καϊ ττρότερόν τοι οτι ίττβί με Ζεύ? €8ωκ€ 
Toij ΊΟ αν ορώ σφαΚμα iov οϊκω τω σω, κατά 8ύ- 
ναμιν άποτρβψείν τά Be μα τταθηματα βόντα 
άχάριτα μαθήματα yeyove. el μβν αθάνατος Bofceet^ 
elvai και στρατίής τοιαύτης άργειν^ ούΒβν αν βϊη 
7Γpήyμa ^γνώμας 6/xe σοΙ άττοφαίνβσθαί' el Β' 
εγι/ωΑτα? οτί ανθρωττος καϊ συ eh fcal έτερων 
τοίώνΒβ άρχεις, εκείνο ττρώτον μάθε, ώ<; κύκΧος 
των άνθ ρωττηίων εστί 7Tp7Jyμάτωv, περιφερομ€νο<ζ 
Βε ουκ εα αΐεΐ τους αυτούς εύτυχεειν. ήΒη ων βχω 
yvωμηv ττερο τον ττροκειμενου πpήyμaτoς τα 
εμτταΧιν ή ουτοί. εΐ yap εθέΧήσομεν εσΒεξασθαι 
τους τΓοΧεμίους ες την χώρην, oBe τοι εν αύτω 
κίνΒννος €vr ίσσωθείς μεν ττροσαττοΧΧύεις πάσαν 
την αρχήν. ΒήΧα yap Βη οτι νικώντες Μασ- 
aaykTai ου το οπίσω φ€ύξονταί αλλ' eV αρχάς 
τάς σας ελώσι-, νικών Βε ου νικάς τοσούτον 
όσον εΐ Βιαβας ες την εκείνων, νικών Maσσayετaς, 
ετΓοιο φevyovσι, τώυτο yap άντιθήσω εκείνω, 
ΟΤΙ νικησας τους άντιουμενους εΧας Ιθυ της 
αρχής της Ύομύριος. χωρίς τε του ά7τηyημεvov 
αίσχρον καϊ ουκ άνασχετον Κνρόν ye τον Καμ- 
βύσεω yvvaiKi εϊξαντα υττοχωρήσαι της χώρης, 
νυν ών μοί Βοκέει Βιαβάντας ττροεΧθεΐν όσον αν 
εκείνοι υττεξίωσι, ενθεύτεν Βε τάΒε ποιεΰντας ττει- 
Όασθαι εκείνων περιyεvεσθaι. ώς yap iyco ττυν- 
θάνομαι, Maσσayετaι είσΐ άyaθώv τε ΐίερσικών 
άπειροι καϊ καΧών μεyάXωv άπαθεες» τούτοισι 


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BOOK Ι. 207 

207. But Croesus the Lydian, who was present, 
was displeased by their counsel and spoke against it. 
''Sire/' said he, "you have ere ηοΛν heard from me 
that since Zeus has given me to you I will to the 
best of my power turn aside Λvhatever mischance 1 
see threatening vour house. And disaster has been 
my teacher. Now if you deem yourself and the army 
that you lead to be immortal, it is not for me to give 
you advice; but if you know that you and those 
whom you rule are but men, then I must first teach 
you this : men's fortunes are on a wheel, Λvhich in its 
turning suffers not the same man to ]>rosper for ever. 
Then, if that be true, 1 am not of the same mind on 
the business in hand as these your other counsellors. 
This is the danger if we agree to sulFer the enemy 
to enter your country : if you lose the battle you 
lose your empire also, for it is plain that if the 
Massagetne win they will not retreat back but will 
march against your provinces. And if you con- 
quer them it is a lesser victory than if you crossed 
into their country and routed the Massagetae and 
pursued them ; for I balance your chances against 
theirs, and suppose that when you have worsted 
your adversaries you will march for the seat of 
Tomyris' power. And besides Λvhat I have sliown, it 
were a thing shameful and not to be borne that Cyrus 
the son of Cambyses should yield and give ground 
before a woman. Now therefore it is in my mind tiiat 
we should cross and go forAvard as far as they go 
back, and that then we should endeavour to overcome 
them by doing as I shall shoAV. As 1 learn^ the 
Massagetae have no experience of tlie good things 
of Persia, nor have they ever fared >vell in respect oi" 
what is greatly desirable. For these men, therefore, 


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ων τοίσι άνΒράσι. των -προβάτων άφβώβως ποΧλα 
κατακ6ν\ταντα<^ και σκ^νάσαντας Ίτροθ^Ιναι iv τω 
στρατοΊτά^ω τω ημ^τερω Βαΐτα, προς Be καϊ κρη- 
τηρας (ΊφβίΒέίος οϊνον άκ ρητού καϊ σιτία τταντοΐα* 
ττοίήσαντας Be ταύτα, ντΓθ\ίΊτομενουςτης στρατίης 
το φΧαυρότατον,του^ ΧοίΊτον'ζ αύτι^ etava)(^(opeeiv 
eirl Ίον ΤΓΟταμύν, ην yap iyo) γί^ώ/Α/;<? μη άμάρτω, 
κείνοι ΙΒόμενοι ayaOa iroWa τρεψονταί τε ττρος 
αντα κάΙ ήμΐν το evOevTev Χείττ^ται άττόΤεζίς 
βρ^ων μβ^αΚωνΓ 

20S. Υνωμαι μεν αύται σννεστασαν Κΰρος Be 
μετείς την ττροτβρην ψ'ώμην, την Κροίσου Be 
ελυμενος, Ίτροψ/όρευε Ύομύρι εξαναχωρεειν ως 
αυτού Βιαβησομενου ειτ* εκείνην. ή μεν Βη εξανε- 
χωρεε κατά νττεσχετο ττρώτα* Κνρος Be ΚρυΙσον 
fc? τας -χείρας εσθείς τω αηυτού ττπιΒΙ Καμβύση, 
τω ττερ την βασι\ηί})ν εΒίΒου, Κ(ΐΙ ττολλα ετει- 
Χάμενος οι τιμαν τε αυτοί' και ευ ττοιεεί!', ήν η 
Βιάβασις ι) εττΐ ΛΙασσαγετας μη ορθωθΡ}, ταύτα 
εντείΧάμενος και άιτοστειΧας τούτους ες Ιλερσας^ 
αύτος Βιεβαινε τον ττοταμον καϊ ο στρατός αυτού. 

209. ΈτΓβ/τβ δε εττεραιώθΐ] τον ^Αρ/ιξεα, νυκτός 
ε7τεΧθούσ7}ς είΒε όψιν εύΒων εν των l^L•ισσayετeoyv 
τη χώρυ τοιήνΒε' εΒόκεε 6 Κύρος εν τω ΰπνω οραν 
των 'Ύστάσττεος τταίΒων τον ττρεσβύτατον έχοντα 
ετΓΐ των 6)μων 7Γτεpυyaς καϊ τουτεων τ?) μεν 
την ^Ασίην ττ} Βε την Κύρώττην εττισκιάζειν, 
'Ύστάσιτεϊ Βε τω^ Χρσάμεος εόντι avBpV ΑχαιμενΙΒι^ 
ην των τταίΒων Ααρεϊος ττρεσβύτητος, εών τότ6 
ηΧικιην ες εϊκοσι κου μάΧιστα ετεα, και ούτος 
κατε'ΧεΧειτΓΤο εν Ώερσ7]σΐ' ου yap είχε κω ήΧικίην 
στρατεύεσθαι. εττεί ων Βη ^ζηyεpθη ο Κύρος, 


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BOOK I. 207-209 

I counsel you to cut up the flesli of many of your 
sheep and goats into portions unstintiniily, and to 
cook it and serve it as a feast in our canip^ providing 
many bowls of unmixed wine withal and all manner 
of food. Then let your army withdraw to the river 
again, leaving behind that part of it which is of least 
account. For if I err not in my judgment, when the 
Massagetae see so many good things they will betake 
them to feasting thereon ; and it will be for us then 
to achieve mighty deeds." 

208. So these opinions contended ; and Cyrus set 
aside his former plan and chose that of Croesus ; 
wherefore he bade Tomyris draAV her army oif, for he 
would cross (he said) and attack iicr ; so she 
withdrew as she had promised before. Tiien he gave 
Croesus to the care of his own son Camb^^ses, to 
whom he pur{)osed to leave his sovereignty, charging 
Cambyses to honour Croesus and entreat him well, if 
tlie crossing of the river against the Massagetae should 
not j)rosper. With this charge he sent the two back 
to Persia, and crossed the river, he and his army. 

209. Then, being now across tlie Araxes, he dreamt 
at night while sleejMng in the country of the Massa- 
getae, that he saw the eldest of the sons of Hystaspes 
wearing wings on his shoulders, the one wing over- 
shadowing Asia and the other Europe. (H^'staspes 
son of Arsames was an Achaemenid, and Darius was 
the eldest of his sons, being then about twenty years 
old ; this Darius had been left behind in Persia, 
being not yet of an age to folloAv the armv.) So when 


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βδ/δου \oyov ίωυτω ιτ€ρ\ της οΛ!ηο<ζ, ώς Si οι 
i86fC€e μ€^ά\η €iV(U η οψις, καΧύσας 'Ύστύαττεα 
κα\ airoXajScor μοννον eiire '^^^Ύστασττβς, τταΐς σο<; 
βτΓΐβουΧενων βμοι re και rfj εμτ) αργ^]] εάΧωκβ. ως 
Se ταύτα άτρ€Κ€ως olSa, εγώ σημανβω' ίμ^ΰ Oeol 
κη^ονται και μοι Ίτάντα irpoSeifcvvouai τα έττιφε- 
ρομενα, ηόη ων iv τ?] Trapor^opein] pvktl βΰίων 
elSop των σων παίΒων τον 77()βσι3ύτατον έχοντα 
€ΤγΙ των ώμων τττερν^ας κα\ τουτβων ttj μεν την 
^Aahjv τγι he την ϊίνρωττην βιτισκιάζειν. οΰκων 
εστί μηχανή άττο της οψίος ταύτης ούΐεμία το μη 
εκείνον ετηβουΧευειν εμοί' συ νυν την ταχίστην 
,τορεύεο οττίσω ες ΐίερσας και ττοίεε οκως, εττεαν 
iyou τάύε καταστ ρεψαμενος εΧθω εκεί, ως μοι 
καταστήσεις τον τταΐόα ες εΧε^χον.^^ 

210. νίΰρος μεν Βοκεων οί Ααρεΐον επιβουΧενειν 
εΧε^γε τά^ε' τω 8ε ό 8αίμων ττροεφαινε ώς αντυς 
μεν τεΧευτησειν αυτού ταυτί] μεΧΧοι, η 8ε βα- 
σιΧηΙη αυτού ττεριχωρεοι ες Ααρεΐον. αμείβεται 
8η ων 6 'Ύστάσττης τοΐσιΒε, "Ώ βασιΧεύ, μη εϊη 
άνηρ ΙΙερσης ^ε^ονως όστις τοι επιβουΧεύσειε, ει 
δ* εστί, άττυΧοιτο ώς τάχιστα' ος άντΙ μεν 8ούΧω2' 
εττοίησας εΧευθερους Ώερσας είναι, άντΙ 8ε αρχε- 
σθαι υπ αΧΧων άρχειν άττάντων. εΐ 8ε τις τοί 
οψις u7ΓayyeXXεL• παί8α τον εμον νεώτερα βου- 
Χενειν Ίτερϊ σεο, εγώ τοι παρα8ί8ωμι χράσΟαι 
αύτω τούτο ο τι συ βούΧεαι.^ 

211. 'Ύστάσττης μεν τούτοισι άμειψάμενος καΐ 
8ιαβας τον \\ράξεα ηιε ες Υίέρσας φυΧάξων 
Kopcp τον 7Γαΐ8α Ααρεΐον, Κύρος 8ε ττροεΧβών 
άττο του Άρά-:εω ήμερης υ8ον εττοίεβ κατά τα ς 
ΚροΙο'ου ύτΓοθηκας. μετά 8ε ταύτα Κνρηυ τε 


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BOOK ί, 209-2ΙΓ 

Cyrus aAvoke he considered liis vision, and because 
it seemed to him to be of i^rcat import, he sent for 
Hystaspes and said to him j)rivately_, ^'l iind_, 
Hystaspes,, that your son is guilty of plotting against 
me and my sovereignty; and I will tell you how I 
know this for a certainty. I am a man for whom the 
gods take thought^ and show me beforehand all that 
is coming. Νολν this being so, I have seen in a 
dream in the past night your eldest son v/ith wings 
on his shoulders,, overshadowing Asia with the one 
and Europe with the other ; wherefore it is from 
this vision most certain that he is plotting against 
me. Do you therefore go with all speed back to 
Persia, and so act that when I come thither after 
subduing this country you shall bring your son before 
me to be questioned of this." 

210. So spoke Cyrus, thinking that Darius was 
plotting against him ; but in truth heaven was 
shoΛving him that he himself was to die in the land 
where he was, and Darius to inherit his kingdom. 
So then Hystaspes answered him thus : — "Sire, the 
gods forbid that any Persian born should plot against 
you I but if such there be, may he speedily perish ; 
for you have made the Persians freemen instead of 
slaves and rulers of all instead of subjects. But if 
your vision does indeed tell that my son is planning 
aught to your hurt, take him ; he is yours to use 
as pleases you." 

211. Having so answered, Hystaspes returned 
across the Araxes to Persia to watch Darius for 
Cyrus ; and Cyrus, going forward a day's journey 
from the Araxes, did according to Croesus' advice. 
After this Cyrus and the sound part of the Persian 


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και νίβρσ^ων του καθαρού στρατοί) αττβλα- 
σαντο<^ οΊΓίσω iirl τον ^Αράξ^α^ Χείφθεντος δε 
του άχ^ρηίον, ^ττβΧΘουσα των Μασσαγετεωί^ 
τριτημορίς του στρατού τους τ€ ΧβίψΘβντας της 
Κύρου στρατιης βφυνευε άΧβξομβνους καΐ την 
ττροκβιμβνην ΙΒόντβς Βαΐτα, ως έχ^βιρώσαντο τους 
εναντίους, κΧίθεντες βΒαίνυντο, ττΧηρωθεντες he 
φορβής καΐ οϊνου ηυΒον. οί he Wepaat εττεΧθόντες 
ποΧΧούς μεν σφεων εφόνευσαν, ττοΧΧω δ* ετί 
ττΧευνας εζώ^ρησαν καΧ άΧλους καΐ τον της βασι- 
Χείης Ύομύριος τταΐΒα στρατιρ/εοντα Λίασσαγβτβωι^, 
τω οΰνομα ην ^τταρ^αττίσης. 

212. 'Η δε Ίτνθομίνη τά τε ττερί την στρατιήν 
γεγοι^ότα καΐ τα ττερΙ τον τταϊΒα, ττεμττουσα κήρυκα 
τταρα Κΰρον έλεγε τάΒε. ''"ΑττΧηστε αΊματος \\.ΰρε, 
μη8εν ετταερθτις τω γεγσζ^οτί τω δε Ίτρήηματι^ εΐ 
άμττεΧίνω καρττω^ τω περ αύτοΙ εμττιττΧάμενοί 
μαίνεσθε ούτω ώστε κατιόντος του οϊνου ες το 
σώμα επαναττΧεείν ύμΐν εττεα κακά, τοιούτω φαρ~ 
μάκω ΒοΧώσας εκράτησας τταιΒος του εμού, αλΧ' 
ου μάχη κατά το καρτερον. νυν ων μευ ευ τταραι- 
νεούσης ύπυΧαβε τον Xoyov* άττοόούς μοί τον 
τταΓδα Ιίτηθί εκ τήσΒε της χωρης άζήμιος, Μασ- 
σα^ετεων τριτημορί^ι του στρατού κατυβρίσας. 
ει δε ταΰτα ου ττοιησεις, ηΧίον εττυμνυμί tol τον 
^Ιασσα'γετεων Εεσιτότην, η μεν σε eyco καΐ άττΧη- 
στον εόντα αίματος κορεσωΓ 

213. Κύρος μεν εττεων ούΒενα τούτων άνενει- 
χθίντων ετΓοιεετο Xoyov 6 δε τής βασιΧείης 
Ύομύρίος τταΐς Έ^Ήαρ^αττίσης, ως μιν ο τ ε οίνος 
άνηκε καΐ έμαθε Ίνα ην κακου^ δεηθείς Κύρου 
εκ των δεσμών Χυθηναι έτυχε, ως δε εΧύθη τε 

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BOOK I. 211-213 

iirmy marched away back to the AraxeSj leaving 
beliind tliose tliat were useless ; whereupon a third 
part of the host of the Massagetae attacked those of 
the army who were left behind and sleAv them 
despite resistance; then, seeing the banquet spread, 
Λvhen they had overcome their enemies they sat 
doΛvn and feasted, and after they had taken their fill 
of food and Avine they fell asleep. Then the Persians 
came upon them and slew many and took many 
more alive, among Λvhom was the son of Toinyris 
the queen, Spargapises by name, the leader of the 

212. When Tomyris heard Avhat had befallen her 
army and her son, she sent a herald to Cyrus Λvith this 
message: — "Bloodthirsty Cyrus, be not uplifted by 
tin's that you have done ; it is no matter for pride if 
the fruit of the vine — that fruit whereof you Persians 
drink even to madness, so that the wine passing into 
your bodies makes evil Avords to rise in a Hood to 
your lips — has served you as a drug to master my 
son withal, by guile and not in fair fight. Now 
therefore take this word of good counsel from me : 
give me back my son and depart unpunished from 
this country; it is enough that you have done 
des})ite to a third part of the host of the Massagetae. 
But if you Λνϋΐ not do this, then I swear by the sun, 
the lord of the Massagetae, that for all you are so 
insatiate of blood, I will give you your fill thereof." 

213. This message was brouglit to Cyrus, who 
cared nothing for it. But Spargapises, the son of 
the queen Tomyris, when his drunkenness left him 
and he knew his evil plight, entreated Cyrus that he 
might be loosed from his bonds ; and this was granted 

VOL. I. L 267 

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τάχιστα καΐ των χβιρών Ικράτησ^^ hiepyaterai 

214. ΚαΙ hrj ουτο<ζ μβν τρόττω τοίούτω τβΧβυτα- 
Ύ6μνρί<ζ Se, ώ? οί Κΰρο<ζ ουκ ^σήκονσβ, συΧΚεξασα 
ττασαν την €ωυτή<; 8ύναμίν σννεβαΧβ Κνρω. ταν- 
την την μάχην, οσαι Βη βαρβάρων άνΒρών μάχαι 
€^£νοντο, κρίνω Ισγυροτάτην jeveaOaL, κα\ 8η και 
Ίτννθάνομαί οΰτω τούτο ^βνόμβνον. πρώτα μβν 
yap Χε^βται αυτούς Βιαστάντας e? άΧΚηΧους 
Ύοξβύβιν, μετά he ώς σφι τα β^Κ^α Ιξβτετόξβυτο, 
συμττβσόντας ττ)σί αιχμτ)σί Τ€ κα\ τοΐσι iy^eipi- 
8ίθίσί συνέχεσθαί. χρόνον τβ 8η βττΐ ττοΧΧον 
συνβστάναί μαχόμενους και ουδέτερους εθεΧειν 
φεύ^ειν τεΧος 8ε οί ^Ιασσα^εται irepuy ενόντα, 
ή τε 8η τΓοΧΧη της ΙΙερσίκής στρατίής αυτού ταύτη 
Βιεφθάρη καΐ 8η καϊ αύτος Κύρος τεΧευτα, βασι- 
Χεύσας τα ττάντα ενός Βεοντα τριήκηντα ετεα. 
άσκον δε ττΧησασα αϊματος άνθρωττηίον Ύόμυρις 
ε8ίζητο εν τοΐσι τεθνεώσι των ΥΙερσέων τον Έίύρου 
νέκυν, ώς 8ε εύρε, εναττηκε αυτού την κεφαΧην ες 
τον άσκόν, Χυμαινομενη Βε τω νεκρω επεΧε^ε τά8ε' 
" Έ,ύ μεν εμε ζώσάν τε καϊ νίκώσάν σε μάχη 
άττώΧεσας, τταΙΙα τον,εμον εΧων 86Χω• σε δ* εγώ, 
κατά ττερ ηττείΧησα, αΐματος κορεσω^ τα μεν 8η 
κατά την Κύρου τεΧευτην τού βίου, ττοΧΧών Xoywv 
Χε^ομενων, 68ε μοι 6 ττίθανώτατος εΊρηται, 

215. Μ,ασσ άγεται 8ε εσθήτά τε όμοίην ττ) 
Σκυθική φορεουσι καϊ Βίαιταν εχουσι, ίπττόταί 8ε 
είσΐ καϊ άνιττποι (^αμφοτέρων yap μετεχουσι) καϊ 
τοξόται τε καΐ αίχμοφόροί, σayάptς νομίζοντες 
εχείν, χρυσω 8ε καϊ χαΧκω τα πάντα χρεωνται- 


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BOOK I. 213-215 

him ; but no sooner was he loosed and had the use 
of his hands^ than he made away Avith himself. 

214. Such was the end of Spargapises. Tomyris, 
when Cyrus would not listen to her, collected all her 
power and joined battle Avith him. This fight I 
judge to have been the stubbornest of all fights 
that were ever fought by men that were not Greek ; 
and indeed I have learnt that this was so. For 
first (it is said) they shot at each other from a dis- 
tance Λvith arrows ; presently, their arrows being all 
shot aΛvay, they rushed upon each other and fought 
at grips Λvith their spears and their daggers ; and for 
a long time they battled foot to foot and neither 
would give ground ; but at last the Massagetae had 
the mastery. There perished the greater part of the 
Persian army, and there fell Cyrus himself, having 
reigned thirty years in all save one. Tomyris filled a 
skin with human blood, and sought for Cyrus' body 
among the Persian dead ; when she found it, she put 
his head into the skin, and spoke these words of 
insult to the dead man : ^^ Though I live and conquer 
thee, thou hast undone me, overcoming my son by 
guile ; but even as I threatened, so will I do, and 
give thee thy fill of blood." Many stories are related 
of Cyrus' death ; this, that I have told, is the 
worthiest of credence. 

215. These Massagetae are like the Scythians in 
their dress and manner of life. They are both 
horsemen and footmen (having some of each kind), 
and spearmen and bowmen ; and it is their custom to 
carry battle-axes. They ever use gold and bronze ; 


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οσα μβν yap e? αίχμας κα\ αρΒις καΐ σα'γάρίς, 
γ^αΧκω τα ττάντα 'χ^ρεωνταί, οσα Be irepl κεφαΧην 
κα\ ζωστήρας καΐ ιιασχαΧιστήρα^, 'χρνσω κοσ- 
μίονται. ώ? δ' αιίτω? των ϊτητων τα μεν ττερί τα 
στέρνα 'χαλκεον'ζ θώρηκας ττερφάΧλουσι, τα Βε 
ττερΙ τού^ γ^αΧινονς καΐ στόμια καΙ φαλαρα 
'χρνσω. σιΒήρ(ό hi ovh^ αρηύρω 'χρεωνται ovhkv 
ονΒε yap ούΒε σφι, εστί εν Tjj χοόρτ], 6 Be 'χ^ρυσος 
και 6 'χαΧκος αττλβτο?. 

216, Νο/χοίσί Βε χρέωνται τοιοΐσιΒε, yvvaiKa 
μεν yaμεει εκaστo^y ταύτγσι Βε iirlfcoLva χρεωνταΐ' 
το yap Χκύθα<ζ φασί '^ΕΧληνες ττοιεειν, ου 'ί,κύθαι 
είσΐ οΐ τΓΟίεοντε^ αλλά Maσσayετar τή'ζ yap 
εττίθυμηστ) yvvaiKo^ Maσσayετη^ άνήρ, τον φαρε- 
τρεώνα άττοκρεμάσας προ τή<; αμάξης μLσyετaι 
άΒεως. ονρος Βε ήΧικίης σφί πρόκειται αΧλο<ζ μεν 
ούΒείς* επεαν Βε ykpmv yεvητaι κάρτα, οΐ προσ- 
ηκοντε<! οΐ πάντες σννεΧθοντες Θυουσι μιν και 
άΧλα πρόβατα άμα αντω, εψησαντες Βε τα κρεα 
κατευωχεονταί. ταύτα μεν τα ο'λβίώτατά σφί 
νενόμισται, τον Βε νούσω τεΧεντησαντα ου κατά- 
σιτεονταν άΧλα yy κρύπτουσι, συμφορην ποιευ- 
μενοι ΟΤΙ ουκ Ίκετο ες το τυθηναι. σπείρουσι Βε 
ούΒεν, αλλ' άπο κτηνεων ζώουσι καΐ Ιχθύων 
οΐ Βε άφθονοι σφι εκ του ^ Αράξεω ποταμού παρα- 
yivovTar yά\aκτoπότaι δ' είσί. θέων Βε μοΰνον 
ηΧιον σέβονται, τω θύουσι Ίππους, νόος Βε 
ούτος της θυσίης• των θέων τω ταχίστω πάντων 
των θνητών το τάχιστον Βατεονταί, 


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BOOK I. 215-216 

all their spear-points and arrow-heads and battle-axes 
are of bronze, and gold is the adornment of their 
headgear and belts and girdles. They treat their 
horses in like manner, arming their forehands with 
bronze breastplates and putting gold on reins, bits, 
and cheekplates. But iron and silver they never 
use ; for there is none at all in their country, but 
gold and bronze abounds. 

216. Now, for their customs : each man marries a 
wife, but the wives are common to all. The Greeks 
say this is a Scythian custom ; it is not so, but a 
custom of the Massagetae. There, when a man 
desires a woman, he hangs his quiver before her 
waggon, and has intercourse with her, none hin- 
dering. Though they set no certain term to life, yet 
when a man is very old all his kin meet together 
and kill him, with beasts of the flock besides, 
then boil the flesh and feast on it. This is held 
to be the happiest death ; when a man dies of a 
sickness they do not eat him, but bury him in the 
earth, and lament that he would not live to be killed. 
They never sow ; their fare is their live-stock and 
the fish which they have in abundance from the 
Araxes. Their drink is milk. The sun is the only 
god whom they worship; to him they sacrifice 
horses ; the reason of it is that he is the swiftest of 
the gods and therefore they give him the swiftest of 
mortal things. 


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Digitized by Microsoft® 

BOOK 11 

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1. ΎέΧβντησαντο^ Se -J^vpou τταρέΧαββ την 
βασιΧηίην Καμβύση^^ Ki^pof βων τταΐς και Κασ- 
σανΒάνης της Φαρνάσττβω OvyaTpo^, της ττροαττο- 
θανούσης Κί)/?09 αυτός τ€ μί^α ττίνθος βττοιησατο 
καΐ τοίσι αΧΧοοσι ττροβίττε ττάσι των ηρχ€ πένθος 
ΤΓΟίζβσθαι, ταύτης Βη της yvι'aίfcoς Ιων τταϊς καΐ 
Κύρον Καμβύσης "Ιωνας μβν καϊ ΑίοΧεας ώς Βού- 
Χονς ττατρωίονς έόντας βρόμιζε, eVt Be Αϊ^νπτον 
βττοάβτο στρατηΧασίην αΧΧονς τ€ παραΧαβών 
των ηρχ€ και Βη καϊ ΈΧΧηνων των €7Τ6κράτ€€. 

2. 01 Be ΑΙ^ύτΓΤίοι, ττρίν μβν ή Ψαμμητιγον 
σφίων βασιΧευσαι, ένόμιζον ίωντούς ττρώτονς 
yeveaOat ττάντων άνθρώττων* εττειΒη Be Ψαμ- 
μήτιχος βασιΧεύσας ηθέΧησε elBevai οΐίτινες yevoi- 
ατο πρώτοι, άπο τούτον νομίζουσι Φpύyaς 
προτέρους yeveaOai έωυτών, των Be άΧΧων 
ίωυτούς, "Ψαμμήτιχος Be ώς ουκ βΒύνατο πνν- 
θανόμενος πόρονούΒβνα τούτου άνβυρείν^οι yevoiaTO 
πρώτοι ανθρώπων, ίπιτ€χναται TOiovBe, παιΒία 
Βύο veoyva ανθρώπων των επιτυχόντων ΒίΒωσι 
ποιμένι τρεφειν ες τα ποίμνια τροφιίν τίνα τοιηνΒε, 
εντειΧάμενος μηΒβνα άντίον αυτών μηΒβ μίαν φ ωνην 
ievaif iv aTeyrj Be έρημη eV εωυτών κεεσθαι αυτά, 
καϊ την ωρην iπayιveειv σφί aιyaς, πΧησαντα 
Be yάXaκτoς ταΧΧα Βιαπρησσεσθαΐ' ταντα Be 
εποίεε τε καϊ ΙνετεΧΧετο Ψαμμήτιχος θέΧων άκον- 


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1. After the death of Cyrus Cambyses inherited 
his throne. He was the son of Cyrus and Cassandane 
daughter of Pharnaspes, for whom, when she died 
before him, Cyrus himself mourned deeply and bade 
all his subjects mourn also. Cambyses was the son 
of this v/oman and Cyrus. He considered the lonians 
and Aeolians as slaves inherited from his father, and 
prepared an expedition against Egypt, taking with 
him, with others subject to him, some of the Greeks 
over whom he held sway. 

2. Now before Psammetichus became king of 
Egypt,^ the Egyptians deemed themselves to be the 
oldest nation on earth. But ever since he desired to 
learn, on becoming king, what nation was oldest, 
they have considered that, though they came before 
all other nations, the Phrygians are older still. 
Psammetichus, being nowise able to discover by 
inquiry what men had first come into being, devised 
a plan whereby he took two newborn children of 
common men and gave them to a shepherd to 
bring up among his flocks. He gave charge that 
none should speak any word in their hearing ; they 
were to lie by themselves in a lonely hut, and in 
due season the shepherd was to bring goats and 
give the children their milk and do all else 
needful. Psammetichus did this, and gave this 
charge, because he desired to hear what speech 

* In 664 B.C., probably. 


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σαι των τταώίων, άτταΧΚαγθβντων των άσημων 
κνυζημάτων, ήντινα φωνην ρήξουσι ττρώτην τά 
7Γ€ρ ων καΐ iyevero. ώς yap Βιετης 'χρόνος iye- 
yovee ταντα τω ποιμένί ττρησσοντι^ avoiyovTi 
την θύρην και Ισιόντι τα τταιΒία αμφότερα 
ττροσττίτΓτοντα ββκός έφώνεον, opeyovTa τας ^^ei- 
ρας. τα μεν Srj Ίτρώτα άκουσας ησνχρς ην ό 
ττοιμην ως δε ττοΧλάκις φοιτεοντι καϊ έττιμεΧο- 
μένω τΓοΧλον ην τυϋτο το 67Γος, οντω 8η ση μήνας τω 
Βεσττόττ] ijyaye τα τταιΒια κβλβύσαντος βς όψιν 
την εκείνον* άκουσας δε καϊ αύτος 6 Ψαμμήτιχ^ος 
εττυνθάνετο οΐτινες άνθρώττων βεκός τι καΧέονσι, 
ττυνθανόμενος δε εύρισκε Φρύyaς καΧεοντας τον 
άρτον, οντω συνε'χωρησαν Klyυ^ττιoι και τοιούτίύ 
σταθ μησάμενοι 7Γpηyμaτι τους Φpύyaς πρεσβυ- 
τέρους είναι εωντών. ώδε μεν yεvεσθaι των Ιρεων 
τον ΊΙφαίστον τον εν Μέμφι ηκονον ^^ΈΧληνες 
δε \έyovσι αλΧα τε μάταια ττοΧλά καϊ ώς yvvaiKCuv 
τάς yXώσσaς 6 Ψαμμήτιχος εκταμων την 8ίαιταν 
οντω ετΓΟίησατο των τταίΒων τταρά ταντγ}σι 
ττ}σι yυvaιξί. 

3. Κατά μεν Βη την τροφην των τταίΒων 
τοσαυτα εXeyov, ήκουσα Βε καϊ αΧΧα εν Μέμφι 
εΧθων ες Xόyovς τοΐσι Ιρενσι τον Ήφαίστον, καϊ 
Βη καϊ ες %ηβας τε καΐ ες Ηλίου ττόΧιν αυτών 
τούτων εϊνεκεν ετραττόμην, εθεΧων elBevai ει 
σνμβήσονται τοΐσι Xόyoισι τοΐσι εν Μεμφΐ' 
οι yap ΙΙΧιοτΓοΧΐται XiyovTai KlyvΊττίωv εΊναι 
XoyidoTaTOi. τα μεν ννν Θεία των ά^τηyημάτωv 
οΙα ηκονον ουκ ειμί πρόθυμος εξηyεεσθaι, εξω η 
τα οννοματα αυτών μοννον, νο μιζών ττάντας 


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BOOK II. 2-3 

would first break from the cliildrerij when they Λvere 
past the age of indistinct babbhng. And he had his 
wish ; for when the shepherd had done as he was 
bidden for two years^ one day as he opened the door 
and entered both the children ran to him stretching 
out their hands and calling " Bekos." When he first 
heard this he said nothing of it ; but coming often 
and taking careful note^ he was ever hearing this 
same word, till at last he told the matter to his 
master, and on command brouglit the children into 
the king's presence. Psammetichus heard them him- 
self, and inquired to what language this word Bekos 
might belong ; he found it to be a Phrygian word 
signifying bread. Reasoning from this fact the 
Egyptians confessed that the Phrygians were older 
than they. This is the story which I heard from the 
priests of Hephaestus' ^ temple at Memphis ; the 
Greeks relate (among many foolish tales) that 
Psammetichus made the cliildren to be reared by 
women whose tongues he had cut out. 

3. Besides this story of the rearing of the children^ 
I heard also other things at Memphis, in converse 
with the priests of Hephaestus ; and I visited Thebes 
too and Heliopolis for this very purpose, because I 
desired to kno\v if the people of those places would 
tell me the same tale as the priests at Memphis ; for 
the people of Heliopolis are said to be the most 
learned of the Egyptians. Now, for the stories which 
I heard about the gods, I am not desirous to relate 
them, saving only the names of the deities ; for I 

^ Identified by tlie Creeks with the Egyptian Plah. 


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άνθρώτΓονς ϊσον irepl αύτωυ Εττίστασθαΐ' τά δ* αν 
ζτημνησθεω αντών, υττο του Xoyov έξανα^καζόμβνο^ 

4. "Οσα he άνθρωττψα πρή^γματα, ώδβ ekeyov 
6μο\ο^ίοντ€^ σψίσι, Ίτρωτου^ Αί^υπτίον<ζ ανθρώ- 
πων άττάντων βξευρβίν τον ivtavrov, Svoohefca 
μβρεα Βασαμβνους των ώριων e? αύτον* ταύτα δβ 
e^evpGLV €κ των αστέρων eXcyov ayovai Se τοσώΕε 
σοφώτβρον 'ΈίΧλήνών, €μοΙ Bo/ceeiv, οσω "Ελλϊ^^'βς 
μεν Βίά τρίτου €Τ€ος ίμβοΧιμον εττεμβάΧΚονσί των 
ώρέων είνβκεν, AlyvTTTiOi Be τρίηκοντημ€ρον<ζ 
ayovT€^ τους ΒυώΒβκα μήνας eτΓάyoυσL• άνα ττάν 
'έτος 7Γ€ντ€ ημέρας ιτάρβξ του άpiΘμoιfy και σφι 6 
κύκλος των ώρέων βς τώυτο ττβραών 7rapayiv€Tai. 
ΒυώΒβκά τ€ θεών επωνυμίας eXeyov πρώτους ΑΙ- 
y υπτίους νομίσαι καΐ '^ΕλΧηνας παρά σφάων 
αναΧαββΐν, βωμούς Τ€ καΐ άyάXμaτa καΐ νηούς 
θεοΐσι άπονεΐμαί σφίας πρώτους καΐ ζώα iv Χίθοισι 
€yyXύψaL. καΐ τούτων μίν νυν τά πΧέω epyo) 
εΒήΧουν ούτω yev6μeva, βασίΧευσαί Be πρώτον 
Alyυπτoυ ανθρωπον eXeyov ^ίΐνα' επϊ τούτου, 
πΧην του θηβαϊκού νομούς πάσαν Aϊyυπτov elvai 
εΧος, καΐ αυτής eJvai ούΒεν ύπερβχον των νυν 
€V€p0€ Χίμνης της Motpto? εόντων, ες την άνάπΧοος 
άπο θαΧάσσης επτά ήμερέων εστί ανά τον 

5. ΚαΙ ευ μοι εΒόκεον Xεyeιv περί τής χώρης* 
ΒήΧα yap Βη καΐ μη προακούσαντί ΙΒόντι Βε, όστις 
yε σύνεσιν έχει, οτι Aϊyυπτoςy ες τήν "ΕΧΧηνες 

' There is much obscurity about the "Twelve Gods." 
This only appears to be clear, that eight (or nine) gods form 
the first order of the Egyptian hierarchy, and that there are 


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BOOK II. 3-5 

hold that no man knows about the gods more than 
anotlier ; and I will say no more about them than what 
1 am constrained to say by the course of my history. 

4. But as regarding human affairs^ this was the 
account in which they all agreed : the Egyptians, 
they saidj were the first men who reckoned by years 
and made the year to consist of twelve divisions of 
the seasons. They discovered this from the stars 
(so they said). And their reckoning isj to my mind, 
a juster one than that of the Greeks; for the Greeks 
add an intercalary month every other year, so that 
the seasons may agree ; but the Egyptians, reckoning 
thirty days to each of the twelve months, add five 
days in every year over and above the number, and 
so the completed circle of seasons is made to agree 
with the calendar. Further, the Egyptians (said tliey) 
first used the appellations of twelve gods^ (which the 
Greeks afterwards borrowed from them) ; and it was 
they who first assigned to the several gods their 
altars and images and temples, and first carved 
figures on stone. They showed me most of this by 
plain proof. The first human king of Egypt, they 
said, was Min. In his time all Egypt save the 
The})aic ^ province was a marsh : all the country 
that we now see was then covered by water, north of 
the lake Moeris,^ which lake is seven days* journey 
up the river from the sea. 

5. And I think that their account of the country 
was true. For even though a man has not before 
been told it he can at once see, if he have sense, that 
that Egypt to which the Greeks sail is land acquired 

twelve of the second rank. See ch. 43, and Rawlinson's 
essay (ch. 3 in his Appendix to Book II.). 

'^ The southern part of Upper Egypt. 

3 In the modern Fayj'um, west of the Nile. 


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ναυτί\\ονταί, Ιστι ΑΙ^γυττηοίσί βττικτητο^; ύ6 γτ) 
καΧ Βώρορ τον ττοταμον, και τα κατύττερθ^ ere τής 
Χίμνης ταύτης μ^χρί τριών ήμερέων ττΧόον^ της 
Trepi eKeivoL ovhev gtl TOiovhe eXeyoi', εστί Se βτβρον 
TOLovSe, AlyvTTTOV yap φύσις εστί της χώρης 
TOujSe. ττρωτα μίν προσττΧεων βτι καΙ ημβρης 
Βρόμον άττέχων άττο 'γης, κατβίς κατ airet ρητή ρίην 
ΊτηΧον Τ6 ανθίσεις καΐ iv evheKa ορ^υΐΎ)σι βσβαι. 
τοντο μεν εττΐ τοσούτο 8ηΧοΐ ιτρόγυσιν της ^ης 

6. Κυτις he αύτης βστι ΑΙ^ύπτου μήκος το 
τταρα θάΧασσαν βζηκοντα σ-χοΐνοι, κατά ημβίς 
8ιαιρ€θμ€ν elvai Aljutttov άττο του ΏΧινθινήτβω 
κόΧτΓον μ^χρι ^βρβωνιΒος Χίμνης, τταρ' ή ν το 
Κάσίον ορός Tclver ταύτης ων άττο οΐ εξήκοντα 
σχοΊνοι βίσί. όσοι μίν yap yeω7Γ€ΐvaL είσι ανθρώ- 
πων, ορ^υιτισι μεμετρήκασι την χώρην, όσοι he 
ησσον yeω^ΓeίvaL•, σταΒίοισι, οι Be ττοΧΧην εχουσι, 
TΓapaσάyyτJσι, οΊ δε αφθονον Χίην, σχοίνοισι, 
Βύναται Se 6 7Γapaσάyyης τριηκοντα στάΒια, ο δε 
σχοΐνος^ μέτρον iov Alyύ7Γτιov, βξήκοντα στάδια, 

7. Οίίτω αν βϊησαν AlyvTTTOv στάΒίΟΐ εξα- 
κόσιοι και τρισχίΧιοι το τταρα ΘάΧασσαν. ενθβΰ- 
T€v μεν και μ^χρι \iXiOV ποΧιος ες την μεσόyaιav 
εστί εύρεα Aϊyv7Γτoς, εονσα ττάσα ύπτίη τε 
καϊ ενυΒρος ^ και ΙΧνς. εστι δε ί5δ09 ες Ήχίον 
ττόΧιν άττο θαΧάσσης άνω Ιόντι τταραττΧησίη το 
μήκος τη εξ ^Αθηνεων οΒω τη άττο των 8υώ8εκα 
θεών του βωμού φερούση ες τε ΊΊΐσαΐ' καϊ εττΐ τον 
νηον τον Αώς τού ^ΟΧυμττίον. σμικρόν τι το Sut- 

^ All MSS. have avvBpos, whicli is a strange epithet for the 
Delta. Modern editors read twSpos or cVvSpos. 


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BOOK Π. 5-7 

by the Egyptians, given tliem by the river — not only 
the lower country but even all the land to three days* 
voyage above the aforesaid lake, which is of the same 
nature as the other, though the priests added not 
this to what they said. For this is the nature of the 
land of Egypt : firstly, when you approach to it from 
the sea and are yet a day's run from land, if you then 
let down a sounding line you \vill bring up mud and 
find a depth of eleven fathoms. This shows that the 
deposit from the land reaches thus far. 

6. Further, the length of the seacoast of Egypt 
itself is sixty " schoeni," ^ that is of Egypt as we judge 
it to be, reaching from the Plinthinete gulf to the 
Serbonian marsh, w^hich is under the Casian mountain ; 
between these there is this length of sixty schoeni. 
Men that have scanty land measure by fathoms ; 
those that have more, by furlongs ; those that have 
much land, by parasangs ; and those who have great 
abundance of it, by schoeni. The parasang is of 
thirty furlongs' length, and the schoenus, which is 
an Egyptian measure, is of sixty. 

7. By this reckoning then the seaboard of Egypt 
will be three thousand and six hundred furlongs in 
length. Inland from the sea as far as Heliopolis 
Egypt is a Λvide land, all flat and Λvatery and marshy. 
From the sea up to Heliopolis it is a journey about 
as long as the way from the altar of the twelve gods 
at Athens to the temple of Olympian Zeus at Pisa. 
If a reckoning be made there will be seen to be but 

^ Literally *' ropes." 


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φόροι/ eiJpoL Tt<? civ Χο^ι.ζόμ€νος των οΒων τοντ€ων 
το μη ΐσας μηκο^ eivai, ου ττΧεον πβι/τβκαίΒεκα 
σταδίων η μβν yap €9 ΤΙΐσαν εξ Άθηνβων κατα- 
Bei τΓβντβκαίΒβκα σταδίων μη elvai ιτεντακοσίων 
καΧ 'χιλίων^ η Be €9 ΉΧίον ττοΧιν άττο θαλάσσης 
ττΧηροΐ €9 τον αριθμόν τούτον, 

8. 'Αττο Be ΉΧίου ττόΧιο^; ανω Ιοντι στειντ) ίστι 
Α.ϊ^υτττο<;* ττ} μεν <γαρ τή<; ^Αραβίης ορός τταρα- 
Τ€ταταί, φέρον aii άρκτου ττρος μεσαμβρίην re 
καϊ νότον, alel ανω Telvov 69 την ^Ερυθρην καΧβο- 
μένην θαΚασσαν ev τω αϊ Χιθοτομίαι ενεισι αΐ 
€9 τα9 ττυραμΙΒας κατατμηθεΐσαί τας ev Μ.€μφι. 
ταύτη μεν Xrjyov ανακάμπτει eV τα εϊρηται το 
ορός' TTj Βε αύτο εωυτού εστί μακρότατον^ ως εηω 
εττυνθανόμην, Βύο μηνών αύτο είναι τής 6Βού άττο 
ηούς προς εσπέρην, τα Βε προς την ηώ Χιβανωτο- 
φόρα αυτού τα τέρματα είναι, τούτο μεν νυν το 
ορός τοιούτο εστί, το Be προς Αιβυης τής Αιγύπτου 
ορός αΧΧο πετρινον τείνει, εν τω αΙπυραμίΒες ενεισι, 
'>}τάμμω κατειΧυμενον, κατά τον αύτον τρόπον 
καΐ τού ^Αραβίου τα προς μεσαμβρίην φεpovτJ^, 
το ων Βη άποΉΧίου πόΧιος ούκετι ποΧΧον χωρίον 
ώς είναι Αιγύπτου, αλλ' όσον τε ήμερεων τεσ- 
σερων καϊ Βεκα^ άναπΧόου εστί στεινη \ϊ^υπτος, 
εούσα των ορέων των είρημενων το μεταξύ πεΒιας 
μεν yrj, στάΒιοί Be μάΧιστα εΒόκεόν μοι elvai, 
τη στεινότατον εστί, Βιηκοσίων ού πΧεους εκ τού 
^ Αραβίου ορεος ες το Αιβυκον καΧεόμενον. το Β* 
ενθεύτεν αύτις εύρεα Αϊ^υπτος εστί, πεφυκε μεν 
νυν η χώρη αυτί] ούτω, 

1 The MSS. have τ^σσίρων ; but this is inconsistent with 
ch. 9. The addition of καί Ζ4κα makes the figures agree, 


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BOOK II. 7-8 

a little difference of lengtli, not more than fifteen 
furlongs, between these two journeys ; for the journey 
from Athens to Pisa is fifteen furlongs short of fifteen 
hundred, which is the tale of furlongs between the 
sea and HeliopoHs. 

8. Beyond and above Heliopolis Egypt is a nar- 
row land. For it is bounded on the one side by the 
mountains of Arabia, which bear from the north to 
the south, ever stretching southward towards the 
sea called the Red Sea. In these mountains are the 
quarries that were hewn out for the making of the 
pyramids at Memphis. This way then the mountains 
turn, and end in the places of which I have spoken ; 
their greatest breadth from east to west, as I learnt, 
is a two months' journey, and their easternmost 
boundaries yield frankincense. Such are these moun- 
tains. On the side of Libya Egypt is bounded by 
another range of rocky mountains, wherein are the 
pyramids ; this is all covered with sand, and it runs 
in the same direction as those Arabian hills that 
bear southward. Beyond Heliopolis there is no 
great distance, that is, in Egypt ; ^ the narrow 
land has but a length of fourteen days* journey up 
the river. Between the mountain ranges aforesaid 
the land i^ level, and where the plain is narrowest it 
seemed to me that there were no more than two 
hundred furlongs between the Arabian mountains 
and those that are called Libyan. Beyond this 
Egypt is a wide land again. Such is the nature of 
this country. 

^ ws flvat Aiyvnrou ; SO much of the Nile valley being out- 
side Egypt. But it is possible that the words may mean ** no 
great distance, for Egypt," i.e. no great distance relatively 
to the size of the country. 

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9. 'ΑτΓΟ Be Ήλ/ου ττόλίος €<; Θήβας ίστϊ 
άνά7ΓΧοο<ζ ivvea ημερεων^ στάΒίοι Βε τή<; 6Βον 
βξηκοντα κα\ οκτακόσιοι καΐ τβτρακισχίΧιοι^ 
σ^(οίνων ενός καΐ oyScuKovra εοντων. ούτοι συντι- 
θέμενοι οΐ στάΒιοι AlyvTTTOV το μεν τταρά θάΧασ- 
σαν η3η μοι καΐ πρότερον ΒεΒηΧωται οτι εξα- 
κοσίων τε εστί σταΒιων κα\ τρισ'χ^ιΧίων, όσον 
Si τι άττο θαΧάσσης €9 μεσ6yaιav μέχρι θηβεων 
εστί, σημανεω' στάΒιοι yap είσϊ είκοσι καΐ εκατόν 
καϊ εξακισχίΧιοι. το 8ε άττο θηβεων ες Έλβ- 
φαντίνην καΧεομενην ττόΧιν στάΒιοι χίΧιοι καϊ 
οκτακόσιοι εισι. 

10. Ύαύτης ων της χώρης της είρημενης η ττοΧ- 
Χη^ κατά ττερ οΐ ίρεες εXεyoVy εΒόκεε καϊ αύτω μοι 
είναι επίκτητος AlyV7Γτίoισι. των yap ορέων 
των ειρη μένων των νττερ Μεμφιν ττόΧιν κειμένων 
το μεταξύ εφαίνετό μοι είναι κοτε κόΧττος θαΧάσ- 
σης, ώσττερ yε τα ττερι ^ΙΧιον και ΎευΘρανιην καΐ 
'Έφεσόν τε καϊ ΜαιάνΒρον ττεΒίον, ώς yε είναι 
σμικρά ταΰτα μεyάXoισι συμβαΧεΐν των yap 
ταύτα τα χωρία ττροσχωσάντων ττοταμών ενί των 
στομάτων τον ΝείΧου, εόντος ττενταστόμου, ού- 
Βεϊς αυτών πΧηθεος ττερι άξιος συμβληθΡ]ναι 
εστί, εΙσΙ Βε καϊ άΧΧοι ττοταμοί, ου κατά τον 
Νεΐλον εόντες μεyάθεa, οϊτινες 'ipya άττοΒεξά- 
μενοι μεyάXa εισί' των iycb φράσαι εχω ούνό- 
ματα καϊ άΧΧων και ουκ ήκιστα ΑχεΧωου, ος 
ρέων Βι^ ^Ακαρνανίης καΐ εξιείς ες θάΧασσαν των 
^ΈιΎΐνάΒων νήσων τάς ήμισεας ήΒη ηττειρον ττε- 

11. 'Έστί Βε της ^Αραβίης χωρης, AlyviTTOv 
Βε ου ττροσω^ κόΧττος θαΧάσσης εσεχων εκ της 


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Βουκ η. 9-ΙΙ 

9. From Heliopolis to Thebes it is nine days' jour- 
ney by river, and the distance is four thousand eight 
liundred and sixty furlongs, or eighty-one schoeni. 
This then is a full statement of all the furlongs in 
Egypt : the seaboard is three thousand six hundred 
furlongs long ; and I will now declare the distance 
inland from the sea to Thebes : it is six thousand one 
hundred and twenty furlongs. And between Thebes 
and the city called Elephantine there are eighteen 
hundred furlongs. 

10. The greater portion, then, of this country 
whereof I hav^e spoken was (as the priests told me, and 
I myself formed the same judgment) land acquired 
by the Egyptians ; all that lies between the ranges of 
mountains above Memphis to which I have referred 
seemed to me to have been once a gulf of the sea, just 
as the country about Ilion and Teuthrania and Ephesus 
and the plain of the Maeander, to compare these small 
things with great. For of the rivers that brought 
down the stuff to make these lands there is none 
worthy to be compared for greatness with one of the 
mouths of the Nile ; and the Nile has five mouths. 
There are also other rivers, not so great as the 
Nile, that have wrought great effects ; I could 
declare their names, but chief among them is 
Achelous, vvhich, flowing through Acarnania and 
issuing into the sen, has already made half of the 
Echinades islands to be mainland. 

11. Now in Arabia, not far from Egypt, there is a 
gulf of the sea entering in from the sea called Red,^ 

^ The '* sea called Red," it will be remembered, is the sea 
south and east of Arabia : the gulf entering in from it is our 
Red Sea. Suppose the Delta to have been once a gulf too, 
then there would have been two gulfs, both running up into 
Egypt, their heads not far from each other. 


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^Ερυθρής κάλεομβνης θαλάσση'ζ^ μα/^ρο^; οντω 8η 
TL• καΧ στβίνος ώς βρχομαι φράσων μήκος μεν 
ττΧόον άρξαμενω €Κ μνχ^ον ΒίεκττΧώσαι €? την 
evpeav θάλασσαν ημίραι άναισιμουνται τέσσερα- 
κοντά είρεσίτ] γ^ρεωμενω' εύρος δε, Tjj ευρύτατος 
εστί 6 κόΧτΓος, ήμισυ ήμερης ττΧόου. ρηχίη δ' 
εν αύτω κα\ άμττωτίς ανά ττάσαν ήμερην ^γίνεται, 
έτερον τοιούτον κοΧιτον και την Αϊ'γυτττον 8οκεω 
γενέσθαι κοτε> τον μεν εκ της βορηίης θαΧάσσης 
κοΧτΓον εσεχοντα eV Αιθιοττίης, τον Βε ^Αράβων, 
τον έρχομαι Χεξων, εκ της νοτίης φέροντα εττΐ 
Χυρίης, σχεδόν μεν άΧΧήΧοισι συντετ ραίνοντας 
τους μυχούς, oXiyov Βε τι τταραΧΧάσσοντας της 
χώρης. ει ων εθεΧήσει εκτρεψαι το ρεεθρον 6 
ΝεΐΧος ες τούτον τον ^Αράβιον κοΧττον^ τι μιν 
κωΧύει ρέοντος τούτου εκχωσθήναι εντός <γε Βισ- 
μυρίων ετέων; ε<γω μεν yap εΧττομαί ye καΐ 
μυρίων εντός χωσθήναι αν κον yε 8η εν τω 
ττροαναισιμωμένω χρόνω ττρότερον η εμε yεvέσθaι 
ουκ αν χωσθειη κοΧττος καΐ ττοΧΧω μεζων ετι 
τούτου ύττο τοσούτου Τ€ ττοταμοΰ και οΰτω 

12. Τά ττερί Aϊyυ7Tτov ων καΐ τοΐσι Xέyoυσt 
αυτά ττείθομαι καΐ αύτος οΰτω κάρτα Βοκέω είναι, 
ΙΒών T€ την Aϊyυ'πτov ττροκειμενην της εχομένης 
yής κoyχύXίά τε φαινόμενα εττι τοΐσι ορεσι καΐ 
άΧμην εττανθέουσαν, ωστε και τάς ττυραμίΒας 
ΒηΧέεσθαι, καϊ ψάμμον μοΰνον AlyύΊττoυ ορός 
τούτο το ύπερ Μέμφιος έχον, ττρος Βε Tjj χώρ-η 
ούτε τγι ^Αραβίτ] ττροσούρω εούστ) την Aϊyυτrτov 
ΊτροσεικέΧην ούτε ττ} Αιβύτ], ου μεν ούΒε ttj 
Έ,υρίτ} (της yap "Αραβίης τά τταρά θάΧασσαν 


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of which the length and narrowness is such as 1 shall 
show : for lengthy it is a forty days' voyage for a 
ship rowed by oars from its inner end out to the wide 
sea ; and for breadth, it is half a day's voyage at the 
widest. Every day the tide ebbs and flows therein. 
I hold that where now is Egypt there was once 
another such gulf; one entered from the northern sea 
towards Aethiopiaj and the other, the Arabian gulf 
of which I will speak, bore from the south towards 
Syria ; the ends of these gulfs pierced into the 
country near to each other, and but a little sj)ace of 
land divided them. Now if the Nile choose to turn 
his waters into this Arabian gulf, what hinders that 
it be not silted up by his stream in twenty thousand 
years ? nay, I think that ten thousand would suffice 
for it. Is it then to be believed that in the ages 
before my birth a gulf even much greater than this 
could not be silted up by a river so great and so 

12. Therefore, as to Egypt, I believe those who so 
speak, and I am myself fully so persuaded ; for I 
have seen that Egypt projects into the sea beyond 
the neighbouring land, and shells are plain to view 
on the mountains and things are coated with salt 
(insomuch that the very pyramids are wasted 
thereby), and the only sandy mountain in Egypt is 
that which is above Memphis ; moreover, Egypt is 
like neither to the neighbouring land of Arabia, nor 
to Libya, no, nor to Syria (for the seaboard of Arabia 


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του Ί^είΧου ττείσεσθαι τον ττάντα γρόνον τον 
ετΓίΧοίττον AlyOTTTioi το κοτε αύτοΙ ^ ΚΧΧηνας 
εφασαν ττείσεσθαί. ττυθόμενοι yap ώς ΰεται 
ττασα η χώρη των 'Έ^ΧΧηνων αλλ* ου ττοταμοϊσι 
άρχεται κατά ττερ η σφετερη, εφασαν ^^ΚΧΧηνας 
ψευσθεντας κοτε εΧττίΒος μεyάXης κακώς ττεινη- 
σειν• το δε εττος τούτο εθεΧει Xεyείv ώς, εΐ μη 
εθεΧησει σφι ΰειν 6 Θεός άΧΧά αύχμω Βιαχρά- 
σθαι. Χιμώ οι ΚΧΧηνες αίρεθησονταί' ου yap Βη 
σφι εστί ΰΒατος ουΖεμία άΧΧη αποστροφή οτι μη 
εκ του Δί09 μουνον, 

^ Stein brackets καΐ , . . av^y;aiv. 

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BOOK 11. 12-13 

is inhabited by Syrians) ; it is a land of black and 
crumbling earth, as if it were alluvial deposit carried 
down the river from Aethiopia ; but we know that 
the soil of Libya is redder and somewhat sandy, and 
Arabia and Syria are lands rather of clay and stones. 
13. This too that the priests told me concerning 
Egypt is a strong proof; when Moeris was king, if 
the river rose as much as eight cubits, it watered all 
Egypt below Memphis.^ Moeris was not yet nine 
hundred years dead when I heard this from the 
priests. But now, if the river rise not at the 
least to sixteen or fifteen cubits, the land is not 
flooded. And, to my thinking, the Egyptians who 
dwell lower doΛvn the river than the lake Moeris, 
and chiefly those who inhabit >vhat is called the 
Delta — these, if thus this land of theirs rises in such 
proportion and like\vise increases in extent, will (the 
Nile no longer flooding it) be ever after in the same 
plight which they themselves once said Avould be 
the case of the Greeks ; for learning that all the 
Greek land is watered by rain, and not, like theirs, 
by river, they said that some day the Greeks Λvould 
be disappointed of their high hopes, and miserably 
starve : signifying thereby that should it be heaven's 
will to send the Greeks no rain and afflict them with 
drought, famine must come upon them, as receiving 
all this water from Zeus and having no other resource. 

^ Supposing this statement to be true, Moeris must have 
been king much more than 900 years before Hdt. : 900 years 
being much too short a period for a rise of eight cubits in 
the height of the Nile valley. 


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14, Καϊ ταντα μεν ες "Ελλτ/ι^α? AlyvnTioiai 
ορθώς έχοντα εϊρηται* φέρε Βε νυν καΧ αυτοίσι 
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μενου χρόνου ες ΰψος αύξάνεσθαι, αλΧο τι η οι 
ταύτΐ) οίκεοντες ΚΙ^υιττίων ττεινήσουσι; εΐ μήτε 
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των τε αΧΧων άνθρώττων ττάντων καϊ των Χοιττών 
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Χακας εχουσι ττόνους οΰτ€ σκάΧλοντες ούτε αΧλο 
εpyaζόμεvoι ούΒεν των οι αΧλοι άνθρωποι περί 
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τούτου μένει, αποΒινΊ^σας Βε τγσι υσΐ τον σΐτον 
ούτω κομίζεται. 

15. Et ων βουΧόμεθα yvώμr)σL ττ)σι ^Ιωνων 
χράσθαι τα περί A.ty υπτον, οΐ φασϊ το Δβλτα 
μουνον είναι Aly υπτον, άπο ΤΙερσεος καΧεομένης 
σκοπιής Xεyovτες το πάρα θάΧασσαν είναι αυτής 
μέχρι ταριχηιων των ΤΙηΧουσιακών, ττ} Βη τ€σ• 
σεράκοντα είσΐ σχοΐνοι, το Βε άπο θαΧάσσης 
λεγόι/τωι/ ες μεσόyaιav τείνειν αυτήν μέχρι Kep- 
κασώρου πόΧιος, κατ ήν σχίζεται ο ΝεΓλο? 69 τε 
ΤΙηΧούσιον ρέων καϊ ες Κάνωβον, τα Βε ciXXa 
Xεyόvτωv της Alyύπτoυ τα μεν Αιβύης τα Βε 
^Αραβίης είναι, άποΒεικνύοιμεν αν τούτω τω 

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BOOK II. 14-15 

14. And this saying of tiie Egyptians about tlie 
Greeks was true enough. But now let me show Avhat 
is the case of the Egyptians themselves : if (as I have 
already said) the country below Memphis — for it is 
this which rises — should increase in height in the 
same degree as formerly, will not the Egyptians who 
dwell in it go hungry, there being no rain in their 
country and the river being unable to inundate their 
fields ? Now, indeed, there are no men, neither in the 
rest of Egypt, nor in the whole world, who gain from 
the soil with so little labour ; they have not the 
toil of breaking up the land with the plough, nor of 
hoeing, nor of any other Λvork which other men do 
to get them a crop ; the river rises of itself, waters 
the fields, and then sinks back again; thereupon 
each man sows his field and sends swine into it to 
tread down the seed, and waits for the harvest; 
then he makes the swine to thresh his grain, and 
so garners it. 

15. Now if we agree with the opinion of the 
lonians, namely that nothing but the Delta is 
Egypt, whereof the seaboard reaches, according to 
them, from what is called the watchtower of Perseus, 
forty schoeni to the salting factories of Pelusium, 
while inland it stretches as far as the city of 
Cercasorus,^ where the Nile divides and flows thence 
to Pelusium and Canobus (all the rest of Egypt 
being, they say, partly Libya and partly Arabia) : if 

1 At the southern point of the Delta, where the two main 
channels of the Nile divide, not far below Cairo. 


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λ07&) γ^ρεώμβνοι ΑΙ^νπτίυισι ουκ βονσαν ττρό- 
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αυτοί Xeyovai AlyvTrTioL καΧ βμοί Βοκ€€ΐ, εστί 
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Αέλτα τω νττο ^Ιώνων καΧεομίνω yeveaOai alei 
τ€ elvaL βξ ου άνθρώττων yevo^ iyeveTO^ 7τροϊούση<ζ 
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αυτών yeveaOai ττοΧλούς Be τους ύττοκαταβαί- 
νοντας. το δ' ών ττάΧαι αί &ήβαι Aϊyυ7Γτoς 
eKaXeeTOy της το ττβρίμβτρον στάΒιοι elal είκοσι 
καΐ εκατόν καΐ εξακισχίΧιοι, 

16. Εί ών ημείς ορθώς ττερί αυτών ytvώσκoμev^ 
"Ιωνες ουκ ευ φρονεουσι ττερΙ Alyύ7Γτoυ' εΐ Βε 
ορθή εστι ^ yvώμη των ^Ιώνων, '^ΈιΧΧηνάς τ ε καϊ 
αυτούς ^Ίωνας άττοΒείκνυμί ουκ ετησταμενους 
XoyL•ζεσθaLy οι φασί τρία μόρια είναι yrjv ττάσαν, 
Εύρώττην τε καϊ ^ Ασίην καϊ Αιβύην, τέταρτον 
yap Βη σφεας Βει 7ΓpoσXoyίζεσθaι Alyύ'π■τoυ το 
Δβλτα, εΐ μήτε ye εστί της ^Ασίης μήτε της 
Αιβύης* ου yap Βή 6 Νείλο? ye εστί κατά τούτον 
τον Xoyov 6 την ^Ασίην ούρίζων Tjj Αιβύγ, του 
ΑεΧτα Βε τούτου κατά το οξύ ^τεpιppήyvυτaι ο 
ΝεΐΧος^ ώστε εν τω μεταξύ ^Ασίης τε καϊ Αιβύης 
yivoiT αν, 

17. ΚαΙ την μεν ^Ιώνων yvώμηv άιτίεμεν, ήμεϊς 
Βε ώΒε καϊ περϊ τούτων Xiyop^v, AϊyυΊττov μεν 
ττασαν είναι ταύτην την ύττ Alyυ7Γτίωv οίκεομε- 

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BOOK II. 15-17 

we follow this account^ we can show that there was 
once no country for the Eg3^tians ; for we have seen 
that (as the Egyptians themselves say, and as 1 
myself judge) the Delta is alluvial land and but 
lately (so to say) come into being. Then if there 
was once no country for them, it was but a useless 
thought that they were the oldest nation on earth, 
and they needed not to make that trial to see what 
language the children would first utter. 1 hold 
rather that the Egyptians did not come into being 
with the making of that which lonians call the 
Delta : they ever existed since men were first made ; 
and as the land grew in extent many of them spread 
down over it, and many stayed behind. Be that as 
it may, the Theban province, a land of six thousand 
one hundred «nd twenty furlongs in circuit, was of 
old called Egypt. 

16. If then our judgment of this be right, the 
lonians are in error concerning Egypt ; but if their 
opinion be right, then it is plain that they and the 
rest of the Greeks cannot reckon truly, when they 
divide the whole earth into three parts, Europe, 
Asia, and Libya ; they must add to these yet a 
fourth part, the Delta of Egypt, if it belong neither 
to Asia nor to Libya ; for by their showing the Nile 
is not the river that separates Asia and Libya ; the 
Nile divides at the extreme angle of this Delta, so 
that this land must be between Asia and Libya. 

17. Nay, we put the lonians* opinion aside ; and 
our own judgment concerning the matter is this : 
Egypt is all that country which is inhabited by 


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νην κατά TTep ΚιΧίκίην την νττο Κιλίκων καΐ 
^Ασσυρίην την όίτο ^Ασσνρίων, ονρισμα δε Άσίτ} 
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στόμα^ η δε €Τ€ρη των οΒών προς €σπ€ρην e^er 
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το δε ΈοΧβίτινον στόμα καϊ το ΈουκοΧικον ουκ 
lθa'yevέa στόματα €στΙ αλλ' ορυκτά, 

18. Μαρτυρέει δε μοι Trj ^νώμτ}^ οτι τοσαύτη 
€στΙ Αίγυπτος οσην τινά εγώ άπoBeίκvυμL τω 
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πτον έπυθόμην, οί yap Βη ίκ Μαρέης τ€ πόΧίος 


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BOOK II. 17-18 

Egyptians^ even as Cilicia and Assyria are the 
countries inhabited by Cilicians and Assyrians 
severally ; and we know of no frontier (rightly so 
called) below Asia and Libya save only the borders 
of the Egyptians. But if Ave follow the belief of the 
Greeks, we shall consider all Egypt, down from the 
Cataracts and the city Elephantine/ to be divided 
into two parts, and to claim both the names, the one 
part belonging to Libya and the other to Asia. For 
the Nile, beginning from the Cataracts, divides Egypt 
into two parts as it flows to the sea. Now as far as 
the city Cercasorus the Nile flows in one channel, 
but after that it parts into three. One of these, 
which is called the Pelusian mouth, flows eastwards ; 
the second flows westwards, and is called the 
Canobic mouth. But the direct channel of the Nile, 
when the river in its downward course reaches the 
sharp point of the Delta, flows thereafter clean 
through the middle of the Delta into the sea ; in 
this is seen the greatest and most famous part of its 
waters, and it is called the Sebennytic mouth. 
There are also two channels wliich separate them- 
selves from the Sebennytic and so flow into the sea, 
by name the Saitic and the Meudesian. The Bolbi- 
tine and Bucolic mouths are not natural but dug 

18. My opinion^ that the extent of Egypt is such 
as my argument shows, is attested by the answer 
which (my judgment being already formed) I heard 
to have been given concerning Egypt by the oracle 
of Ammon. The men of the cities of Marea and 

^ On the island opposite Syene (Asauan). 


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σφι ταύτα εχρησθη. 

19. ^Έίττεργεται 8ε 6 ΝεΖλος, εττεάν ττΧηθύη, 
ου μουνον το ΑέΧτα άΧ\α καΐ του Αιβυκοϋ τε 
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τάδβ τταρ* αυτών πυθεσθαι, 6 τι κατερχ^εται 
μεν 6 ΝεΐΧο<; ττΧηθύων άπο τροττεων τών θερι- 
νεων άρξάμενος εττΐ εκατόν ημερα<;, ττεΧάσα<; δε 
€9 τον αριθμόν τουτεων τών ημερεων οττίσω 
άττερχεται άποΧείττων το ρεεθρον, ώστε βραχύ<ί 
τον 'χειμώνα άτταντα ΒιατεΧεει εών μ^χρι ου αυτις 
τροττεων τών θερινεων, τούτων ών ττερι ούΒενος 
ού8εν 0^09 τε εyεv6μηv τταραΧαβεΐν τταρα τών 
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6 ΝεΐΧος τα εμτταΧιν ττβφυκεναι τών αΧΧων ττοτα- 
μών ταύτα τε 8η τα X€Xεyμεva βουΧόμενος 
εΙΒεναι ιστόρεον καΐ 6 τι αύρας άττοττνεούσας μού- 
νος ττοταμών ττηντων ου ττπρεχεται. 

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BOOK II. ιδ-19 

Apis, in the part of Egypt bordering on Libya, 
thinking themselves to be not Egyptians but Libyans, 
and misliking the observance of the religious law 
which forbade them to eat cows' flesh, sent to 
Ammon saying that they had no part or lot witli 
Eg3^t: for they dwelt (said they) outside tlie Delta 
and did not consent to the Λvays of its people, and 
they wished to be suffered to eat of all foods. But 
the god forbade them : all the land, he said, \vatered 
by the Nile in its course was Egypt, and all who 
dwelt lower down than the city Elephantine and 
drank of that river's water were Egyptians. Such 
was the oracle given to them. 

19. When the Nile is in flood, it overflows not 
only the Delta but also the lands called Libyan and 
Arabian, in places as far as two days* journey from 
either bank, and sometimes more than this, some- 
times less. Concerning its nature, neither from the 
priests nor from any others could I learn anything. 
Yet I was zealous to hear from them why it is that 
the Nile comes down with a rising flood for an 
hundred days from the summer solstice, and Avhen 
this tale of days is complete sinks again Λvith a 
diminishing stream, so that the river is low for the 
whole winter till the summer solstice again. Concern- 
ing this matter none of the Egyptians could tell me 
anything, when I asked them what power the Nile 
has to be contrary in nature to all other rivers. Of the 
matters aforesaid I wished to know, and asked ; also 
why no airs blow from it as from every other stream.^ 

* Not from the river itself, perhaps ; but there is a regular 
current of air blowing up the valley. 


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20. Άλλα Έλλ?7Ζ^ωί^ μβν ηνες βΊτίσημοί βουΧό- 
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βουΧόμβνος μοΰνον των η βτβρη μεν Xijei. τους 
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τύρων οΐ άνεμοι παρέχονται πνέοντες άπο των 


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BOOK II. 20-22 

20. But some of the Greeks, wishing tO be notable 
ior cleverness, put forward three opinions about this 
river ; of which there are two that 1 would not even 
mention, save to show only Avhat they are. One of 
these will have it that the etesian winds ^ are the 
cause of the rivers being in flood, because they hinder 
the Nile from flowing out into the sea. But there 
are many times when the etesian winds do not blow, 
yet the Nile does the same as before. And further, 
if the etesian Avinds were the cause, then the other 
rivers which flow contrary to those winds should be 
affected in like manner even as is the Nile, and all 
the more, inasmuch as being smaller they have a 
weaker current. Yet there are many rivers in Syria 
and in Libya, which are nowise in the same case as 
the Nile. 

21. The second opinion is less grounded on know- 
ledge than that afore-mentioned, though it is more 
marvellous to the ear : by it, the river effects Λvhat it 
does because it flows from the Ocean, which flows 
round all the Avorld. 

22. The third opinion is the most plausible by far, 
yet is of all the most in error. It has no more truth 
in it than the others. According to this, the Nile 
flows from where snows melt ; but it flows from Libya 
through the midst of Ethiopia, and issues out into 
Egypt ; how then can it flow from snow, seeing that 
it comes from the hottest places to lands that are for 
the most part colder.'* nay, a man who can reason 
about such matters will find his chief proof, that there 
is no likelihood of the river's flowing from snow, 
in this — that the winds blowing from Libya and 

^ The regular N.W. winds which blow in summer from 
the Mediterranean. 

VOL. I. Μ 299 

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των ποταμών, 

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άτε Βιά παντός του χρόνου αίθριου τε εόντος του 


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BOOK II. 22-25 

Ethiopia are hot. And the second proof is^ that the 
country is ever Avithout rain and frost ; but after snow 
has fallen there must needs be rain Λvithin five days;^ 
so that v,ere there snow there would be rain in these 
lands. And the third proof is^ that the men of the 
country are black by reason of the heat. Moreover^ 
kites and swallows live there all the year rounds and 
cranes^ iljing from the wintry Λveather of Scythia^ 
come every year to these places to Avinter there. 
Now, were there but the least fall of snow in this 
country through Λvhich the Nile flows and whence it 
rises, none of these things ΛνουΜ happen, as neces- 
sity proves. 

23. The opinion about the Ocean is grounded in 
obscurity and needs no disproof; for I knoΛv of no 
river of Ocean ; and I suppose that Homer or some 
older poet invented this name and brought it into 
his ])oetry. 

24. If, having condemned the opinions proposed, I 
must now set forth what I myself think about these 
obscure matters, I will show what I suppose to be 
the cause of the Nile being in flood in the summer. 
During the winter the sun is driven by the storms 
from his customary course and passes over the inland 
parts of Libya. Now to make the shortest conclusion, 
that is all that need be said ; for to whatever country 
this god is nearest, or over it, it is to be thought that 
that land is the thirstiest and that the rivers in it are 

25. But stated at greater length, the truth is as I 
shall show. In his passage over the inland parts of 
Libya — the air being ever clear in that region, the 

1 It does not seem to be known what authority there is for 
this assertion. 


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είναι, αίτιος hi ο αύτος ούτος κατά yvώμηv την 
εμην και τον ήέρα ξηρον τον ταύτγ elvaij hιaκaίωv 
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στάσις καϊ της μεσαμβρίης, τη hk ό νότος νύν 

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BOOK II. 25-26 

land warm and the winds cool — the sun does what he 
was wont to do in the summer in passing through 
the middle of the heaven : he draws the water to 
himself, and having so drawn it, expels it away to 
the inland regions, and the winds catch it and scatter 
and dissolve it ; and, as is to be supposed, those that 
blow from that country, the south and the south-west, 
are the most rainy of all winds. Yet I think that the 
sun never lets go all the water that he yearly draws 
up from the Nile, but keeps some back near to 
himself. Then as the winter becomes milder, the 
sun returns back to the middle of the heaven, and 
after that he draws from all rivers alike. Meantime 
the other rivers are swollen to high flood by the 
much water from the sky that falls into them, 
because the country is rained upon and cut into 
gullies; but in the summer they are low, lacking the 
rain and being drawn up too by the sun. But tlie 
Nile being fed by no rain, and being the only river 
in winter drawn up by the sun, at this time falls far 
short of the height that he had in summer ; which 
is but natural ; for in summer all other waters too 
and not his alone are attracted to the sun, but in 
the winter it is he alone who is afflicted. 

26. I am persuaded therefore that the sun is the 
cause of these matters. The dryness of the air in 
these parts is also caused by the sun, to my thinking, 
because he burns his passage through it ; so it is that 
it is always summer in the inland part of Libya. 
But were the stations of the seasons changed, so 
that the south wind and the summer had their 
station where now the north wind and winter are 
set, and the north wind was where the south wind is 


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BOOK 11. 26-28 

now, — if this were so, the sun when driven from 
mid-heaven by the winter and the north wind would 
pass over the inland parts of Europe as he ηοΛν 
passes over Libya, and I think that in his passage 
over all Europe he would work the same efTect on 
the Ister as he now does on the Nile. 

27. And for the reason why no air blows from the 
river, this is my opinion : it is not natural that any 
air blow from very hot places ; airs ever come from 
that which is very cold. 

28. Be these matters, then, as they are and as 
they were made to be in the beginning. But as to 
the sources of the Nile, none that conversed with 
me, neither Egyptian, nor Libyan, nor Greek, pro- 
fessed to know them, except only the recorder of the 
sacred treasures of Athene in the Egyptian city of 
Sais. He, I thought, jested with me when he said that 
he had exact knowledge ; but this was his story :— 
Between the city of Syene in the Thebaid and 
Elephantine there are two hills with sharp peaks, 
the one called Crophi and the other Mophi. The 
springs of the Nile, which are unfathomed, rise 
between these hills ; and half the water flows towards 
Egypt northwards, the other half southwards toAvards 
Ethiopia. That this source cannot be fathomed, 
Psammetichus king of Egypt proved by experiment : 
for he had a rope woven of many a thousand fathoms' 
length and let down into the spring, but he could not 
reach to the bottom. Thus, then, if the recorder 
spoke truth, he showed, as I think, that here are 


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Βε αύτη ή ττόΧις είναι μητρόττοΧις των άΧΧων 

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BOOK JI. 2S-29 

strong eddies and an upward How of water, and the 
rushing of the stream against the hills makes the 
sounding-line when let down unable to reach the 

29. From no other man could I learn anything. 
But this much I learnt by the farthest inquiry that I 
could make, by my own travel and sight as far as the 
city of Elephantine, and beyond that by question and 
hearsay: — Beyond Elephantine, as one travels inland, 
the land rises. Here one must pass with the boat roped 
on both sides as men harness an ox ; and if the rope 
break, the boat is carried away by the strength of the 
current. This part of the river is a four days' 
journey by boat, and the Nile here is winding like 
the Maeander; a length of twelve schoeni must be 
passed in the aforesaid fashion. After that you will 
come to a level plain, where there is an island in the 
Nile, called Tachompso. Above Elephantine the 
country now begins to be inhabited by Ethiopians, 
and half the people of the island are Ethiopians and 
half Egyptians. Near to the island is a great lake, 
on the shores of which dwell nomad Ethiopians. 
Having crossed this, you will come to the stream of 
the Nile, which issues into this lake. Then you will 
disembark and journey along the river bank for forty 
days ; for there are sharp projecting rocks in the 
Nile and many reefs, through which no boat can pass. 
Having traversed this part in forty days as I have 
said, you will take boat again and so travel for tw elve 
days till you come to a great city called Meroe, 
which is said to be the capital of all Ethiopia. The 


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νησί τησι ΤΙηΧουσίησι άΧΧη ττρος ^Αραβίων τε 
καϊ ^Ασσυρίων, και εν Mapirj ττρος Αιβύης αΧΧη. 
ετι 8ε εττ εμεύ καϊ ΤΙερσέων κατά ταύτα αϊ 
φυΧακαΙ εχουσι ώς καϊ εττΐ Ψαμμητίχου ήσαν 
καΐ yap εν ^ΕΧεφαντίνρ ΤΙερσαι φρουρεουσι καϊ 
εν Αάφνησι, τους ων 8η ΑΐΎυτΓτίους τρία ετεα 
φρουρήσαντας άττέΧυε ού8εΙς της φρουρής* οι 8ε 
βουΧευσάμενοι καϊ κοινω λόγω χρησάμενοι πάντες 
άπο του Ψαμμητίχου άποστάντες ηισαν ες Αιθι- 
οπίην. Ψαμμητιχος 8ε πυθομενος ε8ίωκε' ώς 8ε 
κατεΧαβε, ε8εετο ποΧΧα Χε^ων και σφεας θεούς 
πατρωίους άποΧιπεΐν ούκ εα καϊ τέκνα καϊ 'γυναί- 
κας, των 8ε τινά λέγεται 8εξαντα το α18οΐον 

* The Greek equivalents for Amun and Osiris. 
^ Herodotus' account of the Nile in this chapter is for the 
most part vague and untrustv/orthy. He is right as to the 


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BOOK Π. 29-30 

people of the place worship no other ^i^ods but Zeus 
and Dionysus^; tliese they greatly honour, and they 
have a place of divination sacred to Zeus ; they send 
out armies whenever and whithersoever this god by 
oracle commands them.^ 

30. From this city yoii ΛνίΠ make a journey by 
water of equal distance with that by which you came 
from Elephantine to the capital city of Ethiopia, and 
you will come to the land of the Deserters, These 
Deserters are called Asmach, which signifies, in our 
language, those who stand on the left hand of the 
king. These once, to the number of two hundred 
and forty thousand Egyptians of fighting age, revolted 
and joined themselves to the Ethiojiians. The reason 
was this : — In the reign of Psammetichus there Avere 
garrisons posted at Elephantine on the side of 
Ethiopia, at Daphnae of Pelusium on the side of 
Arabia and Assyria, and at Marea on the side of 
Libya. And still in my time the Persians hold these 
posts as they were held in the days of Psammetichus ; 
there are Persian guards at Elephantine and at 
Daphnae. ΝοΛν the Egyptians had been on guard 
for three years, and none came to relieve them ; so 
taking counsel and making common cause, they 
revolted from Psammetichus and Avent to Ethiopia. 
Psammetichus heard of it and pursued after them ; 
and when he overtook them he besought them with 
many Avords not to desert the gods of their fathers 
and their children and wives. Then one of them, 
so the story goes, said, pointing to his manly part, 

current above Elephantine, as those who have made the 
passage between the Assiian Dam and Assuan will realise. 
But the conditions have of course been entirely altered by 
the construction of the dam. 


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elirelvf evOa av τούτο j], βσεσθαί αύτοΐσι ii /θαντα 
fcal τέκνα καΐ fyvvalKa^, ούτοι erreiTe €9 Κίθιο- 
ττίην άτΓίκοντο, Βί^ονσι σφία^ αυτούς τω ΑΙΘω- 
ττων βασιλίι, ο δβ σφέας τωΒε άντιΕωρέεταί' ησάν 
οι διάφοροι τινβς yeyovoTe^ των ΑΙΘιοττων' τούτους 
iKeXeve ΙξβΚόντας την βκβίνων yrjv οΐκέβιν. τούτων 
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η^^όνασι Κΐθίοττ^ς^ ηθβα μαθόντες ALyύ7ΓTιa, 

31. Μέχρι μέν νυν τεσσέρων μηνών ττΧόου καΐ 
ohov ηινώσκεται ο Νβίλο? ττάρεξ του ev ΑΙ^υτττω 
ρεύματος' τοσούτοι yap σ-υμβαΧλομένω μίανες 
ευρίσκονται άναισιμούμενοι εξ ^ΚΚεφαντίνης ττο- 
ρευομένω ες τους αύτομόΧους τούτους, ρέει Βέ άττο 
έσττέρης τ€ καΐ ηΧίου Βυσμέων, το 8ε άττο τουΒε 
ούΒεΙς έχει σαφέως φράσαν έρημος yap εστί η 
χώρη αύτη ύπο καύματος. 

32. Άλλα τάΒε μεν ηκουσα άνΒρων Κυρηναίων 
φαμένων εΧΘεΙν τε εττΐ το "Αμμωνος χρηστή ριον 
και ατΓΐκέσθαι ες Xoyoυς Κτεαρχω τω Αμμωνίων 
βασιΧέι, καί κως εκ Xόyωv άΧΧων άττικέσθαι ες 
Χέσχην ττερί τον ΝείΧον, ώς ούΒεΙς αύτον οΙΒε τας 
7Γηyάς, καΐ τον ^Κτέαρχον φάναι εΧθεΐν κοτε τταρ 
αύτον Νασαμώνας άνΒρας. το Βέ έθνος τούτο 
εστί μεν Αιβυκόν, νέμεται Βε την Ζύρτιν τε καΐ 
την ττρος ηώ χώρην της Έ,ύρτιος ούκ επΙ ττοΧΧόν, 
άπικομενους Βε τους Νασαμώνας και ειρωτωμένους 
ε1 τι εχουσι ττΧέον Xέyειv ττερΙ των έρημων της 
Αιβύης, φάναι τταρα σφίσι yεvέσθac άνΒρών Βυνα- 
στέων τταϊΒας ύβριστάς, τους άΧΧα τε μηχανασθαι 
άνΒρωθέντας ττερισσα κα\ Βη καΐ άττοκΧηρώσαι 
ττέντε εωυτών ολ^το μένους τα έρημα της Αιβύης j 
καΐ €1 τι ΊτΧέον ϊΒοιεν των τα μακρότατα ΙΒομένων. 

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BOOK II. 30-32 

that wherever this should be tliey would have wives 
and children. So they came to Ethiopia^ and gave 
themselves up to the king of the country ; who^ to 
make them a gift in return^ bade them dispossess 
certain Ethiopians Avith whom he was at feud, and 
occupy their land. These Ethiopians then learnt 
Egyptian customs and have become milder-mannered 
by intermixture with the Egyptians. 

31. For as far as a distance of four months' travel, 
then, by land and Avater, there is knoΛvledge of the 
Nile, besides the part of it that is in Egypt. So many 
months, as reckoning shows, lasts the journey from 
Elephantine to the country of the Deserters aforesaid. 
The river flows from the west and the sun's setting. 
Beyond this none has clear knowledge to declare ; 
for all that country is desert, by reason of heat. 

32. But this I heard from cerVain men of Cyrene, 
who told me that they had gone to the oracle of 
Ammon, and there conversed with Etearchus king 
of the Ammonians, and that from other matters of 
discourse they came to speak of the Nile, how no one 
knoAvs the source of it. Then Etearchus told them 
that once he had been visited by certain Nasamonians. 
These are a Libyan people, inhabiting the country of 
the Syrtis and the country a little way to the east of 
the Syrtis. When these Nasamonians on their coming 
were questioned if they brought any news concerning 
the Libyan desert, they told Etearchus that there had 
been among them certain sons of their chief men, 
proud and violent youths, who, when they came to 
man's estate, besides planning other wild adventures, 
had chosen by lot five of their company to visit the 
deserts of Libya, and see what they might beyond 
the utmost range of travellers. It must be known 

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της yap Αιβνης τα μβν κατά την βορηίην Θάλασ- 
σαν άττ Ar /ύπτου άρξάμβνοι f^^Xpi^ ΣολΟ€ζ/το9 
άfcpη<;y ή τβΧβντιΙ της Αιβύης, τταρι^κουσι τταρα 
τταοαν Αίβυβς κα\ Αιβνων eOvea ττολλά, ττΧην 
όσον 'Έλλ?;ζ^€<? καΐ Φοίνικες β'^ονσι' τα Sk νπερ 
ΘαΧάσσης τε καΐ των βττΐ θάλασσαν κατηκόντων 
ανθρώπων, τα κατύττβρθε θηριώδης βστί η Αιβύη" 
τα he κατύττβρθε της θηριώ^εος ψάμμος τε εστί καΐ 
αννΒρος 8εινως καΐ 'έρημος ττάντων, είτται ων τους 
νεηνίας άττ οττ ε μίτο μεν ους υττο των ήΧίκων, νΒασί 
τε κα\ σίτίοισι ευ εξηρτυμενους, Ιέναι τα ττρώτα 
μεν hta της οίκεομενης, ταύτην Βε ΒιεξεΧθόντας ες 
την θηριώΒεα άττικεσθαί, εκ Βε ταύτης την ερημον 
Βίεξιεναι, την οΒον ττοιευμένονς προς ζέφυρον άνε- 
μον, ΒιεξεΧθυντας Βε χώρον ποΧΧον ψαμμώΒεα 
καΐ εν ποΧΧησι ημερησι ΙΒεΙν Brj κοτε ΒένΒρεα εν 
πεΒίω ττεφυκότα, και σφεας προσεΧθόντας απτε- 
σθαί τον επεόντος εττΐ των ΒενΒρεων καρπού, άπτο- 
μεΐΌίσι Βε σφί επεΧθεΐν άνΒρας μικρούς, μετρίων 
εΧάσσονας άνΒρών, Χαβόντας Βε ά^ειν σφεας* 
φωνής Βε οΰτε τι της εκείνων τους Νασαμώνας 
^γινώσκειν οΰτε τους άδοντας των Νασαμώνων 
α^ειν τε Βη αυτούς Βι^ εΧεων μεγίστων, και ΒιεξεΧ- 
θ όντας ταύτα απικεσθαι ες ποΧιν εν ττ) πάντας 
είναι τοΐσι ά^ουσι το με^αθος ίσους, 'χρώμα Βε 
μεΧανας. πάρα Βε την πόΧιν ρεειν ποταμον με^αν, 
ρεειν Βε άπο εσπερης αύτον προς ήΧιον άνατεΧ- 
Χοντα, φαίνεσθαι Βε εν αύτω κροκοΒείΧους, 

33. Ό μεν Βη του 'Αμμωνίου Έτεάρχον \6yoς 
ες τούτο μοι ΒεΒηΧώσθω, πΧην οτι άπονοστήσαί τε 
εφ ασκέ τους ^ασαμωνας, ώς οι Ι^υρηναΐοι εΧε^ον, 
fcal ες τους ούτοι άπικοντο άνθ ρώπους,^υητας είναι 


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BOOK II. 22-33 

that all the northern seacoast of Libya — from Egypt 
as far as the promontory of Soloeis^ Λvhich is the end 
of Libya — is inhabited through its whole length by 
Libyans, many tribes of them, except the part held by 
Greeks and Phoenicians ; the region of Libya above 
the sea and the men of the seacoast is infested by wild 
beasts; and farther inland than the wild-beast country 
all is sand, exceeding waterless and wholly desert. 
This then was the story told by the young men: — 
When they left their companions^ being well supplied 
with water and provisions, theyjourneyed first through 
the inhabited country, and having passed this they 
came to the region of wild beasts. After this, they 
travelled over the desert, towards the west, and 
crossed a wide sandy region, till aftermany days they 
saw trees growing in a plain ; when they came to 
these and were plucking the fruit of the trees, they 
were met by little men of stature smaller than 
common, who took them and led them aΛvay. The 
Nasamonians did not know these men's language 
nor did the escort know the language of the Nasa- 
monians. The men led them across great marshes, 
which having crossed they came to a city where all 
the people were of like stature with the escort^ 
and black. A great river ran past this city, from 
the west towards the rising sun ; crocodiles could 
be seen in it. 

33. This is enough to say eoneerning the story 
told by Etearchus the Ammonian ; except that he 
said that the Nasamonians returned — as the men of 
Cyrene told me — and that the people to whose 


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άτταντας. τον δέ 8η ποταμον τούτον τον τταραρ- 
ρίοντα και ^Ετβαρχος συνββάΧΚετο είναι ΝβΐΧον, 
καΐ 8η κα\ 6 X6yo<; ούτω aipeet. piei yap βκ 
Αιβύη<; 6 ΝβΐΧος καϊ μέσην τάμνων Ai^wjv, κα\ 
ώς iyo) συμβάΧΧομαι, τοΐσι εμφανίσι τα μη 
yLV(ύσκoμeva τεκμαιρόμενος, τω "Ιστρω εκ των 
Ισων μέτρων ορμαται. "\στρο<ί τε yap ττοταμος 
άρξάμενος εκ ΚεΧτών καϊ Ϊ1νρ7^νη<; ττόλίος ρέει 
μεσην σγ^ίζων την Κύρωττην* οΐ 8ε ΚελτοΙ εΙσ\ 
εξω ΉρακΧέων στηΧέων, ομονρέονσι Βε Κννη- 
σίοισι, at έσχατοι ττρος Βυσμέων οίκεουσι των εν 
τγι Έιύρώ'πτ) κατοικημένων τεΧευτά 8ε 6 "Ιστρος ες 
θάΧασσαν ρέων την του Ευξείνου ττόντου Sia ττα- 
σης Εύρώττης, τη ^Ιστρίην οΐ ΜιΧησίων οίκεουσι 

34, Ό μεν Βη'Ίστρος^ ρέει yap 8ι* οίκεομένης^ 
ττρος τΓοΧΧών yιvώσκετaί, ττερί δβ των του ΝείΧου 
7Γηyέωv ούΒεΙς ε^(ει Xέyειv' άοίκητός τε yap καϊ 
έρημος εστί η Αιβύη 8ι ης ρέει, ττερί Se του 
ρεύματος αυτού, έιτ όσον μακρότατον Ιστορευντα 
ην έξίκέσθαι, ειρηται* εκ8ι8οΙ Βε ες AϊyυlΓτov. 
η Βε Aϊyυ7Γτoς της ορεινής ΚιΧικίης μάΧιστά κη 
άντίη κέεται' ένθεΰτεν Βε ες Έ,ίνώττην την εν τω 
Κύξείνω Ίτόντω ττέντε ήμερέων Ιθέα οΒος εύζώνω 
ανΒρί' 7] Βε ^ινώιτη τω'Ίστρω εκΒιΒόντι ες ΘάΧασ- 
σαν άντιον κέεται, οΰτω τον ^εΐΧον Βοκέω Βιά 
ττάσης της Αιβύης Βιεξιόντα εξισούσθαι τω'Ίστρω. 

35. Νείλου μέν νυν ττέρι τοσαΰτα ειρήσθω* 
εργομαι Βε ττερϊ Alyύ'πτoυ μηκυνέων τον Xoyov, οτι 
ττΧεΙστα θωμάσια έχει η η αΧΧη ιτασα χώρη καϊ 

^ iK των ίσων μΐτρων is an obscure expression. What 
TFilt. appears to mean is, tliat as the Nile (according to him) 

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BOOK II. 33-35 

country they came Avere all wizards ; as to tlie river 
that ran past the city, Etearchus giicbsed it to be the 
Nile ; and that is but reasonable. For tiie Nile fiuws 
from Libya^ and right through the midst of tliat 
country ; and as I guess, reasoning as to things 
unknown from visible signs, it takes its rise from the 
same measure of distance as the Ister.^ That river 
flows from tlie land of the Celtae and the city of 
Pyrene through the very midst of Europe ; now the 
Celtae dwell beyond the pillars of Heracles, being 
neighbours of the Cynesii, who are the westernmost 
of all nations inhabiting Europe. The Ister, then, 
flows clean across Europe and ends its course in the 
Euxine sea, at Istria, which is inhabited by Milesian 

34. As it flows througli inhabited country, its 
course is known to many ; but none can speak of the 
source of the Nile; for Libya, through wiiicli it runs, 
is uninhabited and desert. Concerning its course 1 
have told all that I could learn by inquiry; and it 
issues into Egypt. Now Egypt lies about opposite 
to the mountainous part of Cilicia ; whence it is a 
straight five days' journey for an unburdened man to 
Sinope on the Euxine ; and Sinope lies over against 
the place where the Ister falls into the sea. Thus I 
suppose the course of the Nile in its passage through 
Libya to be like the course of the Ister. 

35. It is sufficient to say thus much concerning the 
Nile. But concerning Egypt I will ηοΛν speak at 
length, because noAvhere are there so many marvellous 
things, nor in the whole world beside are there to 

flows first from W. to E. and then turns northward, so the 
Danube flows first from \V. to E. and then (as he sa^'s) from 
N. to S. ; and so the rivers in a manner correspond: ono 
crosses Africa, the other Europe. 

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ep'ya λόγου μβζω irape^eTai προ^ ττασαν χωρηΐ' 
τούτων εινεκα πΧβω ττερϊ αντή<; ει-ρήσεται, 

AlyvTTTLOi ίίμα τω ονρανω τω κατά σφεα^ εοντι 
ετβροίω καΐ τω ττοταμω φυσιν αΧΧοιην τταρεχ^ο- 
μενω ή οΐ aWoL ποταμοί, τα ττοΧλ,α ττάντα εμιταΧιν 
τυΐσι άΧΚοισι άνΘρώττοισι εστησαντο ηθεά τε καΐ 
νομούς' εν τοΐσΰ αΐ μεν 'γυναΐκε'ζ ά'^οραζονσι και 
καττηΧεύουσί, οι δε άνΒρες κατ οϊκους εόντε'ζ 
νφαίνουσι' υφαίνουσι δε οΐ μεν άΧλοί άνω την 
κρόκην ώθεοντες, AlyuTTTLOL δε κάτω. τα άχΘεα 
οΐ μεν άν^ρε<; εττΐ των κεφαΧεων φορεουσι, αΐ δε 
<γνναΐκ€<; εττΐ των ώμων, ούρεονσι at μεν ^υναϊκε<=; 
ορθαί, οί δε άνΒρες καττ}μενοί• εύμαρείτ] χρεωνται 
εν τοίσι οϊκοισι, εσθίουσί δε εξω εν τ^σο 68οΐσί 
εττίΧέ'γοντες ώ? τα μεν αΙσχρα ανα'^καΐα δε εν αττο- 
κρύφω εστϊ ττοιεειν χρεόν, τα δε μη αΙσχρα ανα- 
φανδόν, ίράται ηννη μεν ουδεμία ούτε ερσενο<ζ 
Θεού ούτε θηΧεης, άνΒρες δε πάντων τε καϊ ττα- 
σεων. τρεφειν τους τοκεας τοΙσι μεν παισΐ ονΒε- 
μία ανάγκη μη βούΧομενοισι, ττ}σί δε θνγατρασι 
πάσα άvdyκη καϊ μη βονΧομενησι, 

36. 0/ ιρέες των Θεών τη μεν αΧ\τ) κομεονσί, εν 
ΑΙ^ύπτω δε ξνρώνται. τοίσι άΧλοισι άνθρώποισί 
νομός άμα κή^εϊ κεκάρΘαί τας κεφαΧάς τους μα- 
Χιστα Ικνεεταί, Κΐηύπτιοι δε imo τους Θανάτους 
άνιείσι τας τρίχας αΰξεσΘαι τάς τε εν Trj κεφαΧη 
και τω ηενεί(ύ, τέως εξυρημενοι. τοΐσι μεν άΧΧοισί 
άνΘρώποισι χ(ορϊς Θηρίων η Ζίαιτα άποκεκριται, 
Αΐ^υπτιοισί δε ομού Θηρίοισι η δίαιτα εστί, άπο 
πυρών καϊ κριΘεων ώΧΧοί ζώουσί, Αιγυπτίων δε 
τω ποιευμενω άπο τούτων την ζόην όνειδος με- 
Ύΐστον εστϋ, άΧΧα άπο οΧυρεων ποιευνται σιτία, 

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BOOK II. 35-36 

be seen so many works of unspeakable greatness ; 
therefore I shall say the more concerning Egypt. 

As the Egyptians have a climate peculiar to them- 
selveSj and their river is different in its nature from 
all other rivers, so have they made all their customs and 
laws of a kind contrary for the most part to those of all 
other men. Among them, the women buy and sell, the 
men abide at home and weave ; and whereas in Aveav- 
ing all others push the Avoof upwards, the Egyptians 
push it downwards. Men carry burdens on their 
heads, Avomen on their shoulders. Women make water 
standing, men sitting. They relieve nature indoors, 
and eat out of doors in the streets, giving the 
reason, that things unseemly but necessary should be 
done in secret, things not unseemly should be done 
openly. No woman is dedicated to the service of 
any god or goddess ; men are dedicated to all deities 
male or female. Sons are not compelled against 
their Λνϋΐ to support their parents, but daughters 
must do so though they be unwilling. 

36. Everywhere else, priests of the gods wear 
their hair long ; in Egypt they are shaven. With all 
other men, in mourning for the dead those most 
nearly concerned have their heads shaven ; Egyptians 
are shaven at other times, but after a death they let 
their hair and beard grow. The Egyptians are the 
only people who keep their animals with them in the 
house. Whereas all others live on wheat and barley, 
it is the greatest disgrace for an Egyptian so to live ; 
they make food from a coarse grain which some call 

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τα ν ζβίά^ μ€Τ€ξ€τ€ροί καΧέουσι. φνρώσι το μεν 
σταΐς τοίσι ττοσί, top Se ττηΚον Trjai γβρσί^ καΐ την 
κοιτρον άναιρίονταί. τα αΙΒοΐα ωΧΧοι μ€Ρ εωσί 
ως i^evovTOy ττλην οσοί άττο τούτων έμαθαν, 
Kl^VTTTioL he ΤΓβρίτάμνονται. βΐματα των μεν 
άντρων €καστος β-χ^βί δ^ο, των Be γυναικών ev 
εκάστη, των Ιστίων τους κρίκους καΐ τους κάλους 
οΐ μεν aXkoL έξωθεν ττροσΒεουσι, Κΐ^/ύιττίΟί δβ 
εσωθεν• γράμματα ^ράφουσι καϊ Χαρίζονται λΙτή- 
φοισί ' ΚΧληνες μεν άττο των αριστερών εττΐ τα 
Βεξια φέροντες την γ^εΐρα, Κΐ^ύιττιοί he άττο των 
Βεξιών εττΐ τα αριστερά' καϊ ττοιευντες ταύτα αύτοΙ 
μεν φασί εττΐ 8εξίά ττοιεείν/ ΕΧληνας Se εττ αρι- 
στερά. Βίφασίοισι Βε ^ράμμασυ ^ρεωνται, καϊ τα 
μεν αυτών Ιρά τα δβ δημοτικά καΧεεται, 

37. θεοσεβεες δε περισσώς εόντες μάΧισια 
ττάντων ανθρώπων νόμοισι τοιοΊσιΒε χρέωνται. 
εκ γαΧκεων ττοτηρίων ττίνουσι, Βιασμώντες άνα 
ττασαν ήμερην, ουκ ο μεν ο δ' οίί, άΧΧα πάντες, 
εϊματα δε Χίνεα φορεουσι αΐεΐ νεόπΧυτα, επιτη- 
Βεύοντες τούτο μάΧίστα, τά τε α18οΐα περι- 
τάμνονταί καθαρειότητος είνεκεν, προτιμώντες 
καθαροί είναι ή ευπρεπέστεροι. οΐ δε ίρέες 
ζυρώνται πάν το σώμα hia τρίτης ήμερης, ίνα 
μητ€ φθεΐρ μήτε άΧΧο μυσαρον μη8εν ε^^ίνηταί 
σφί θεραπεύουσι τους θεούς, εσθητα δε φορεουσι 
οι Ιρεες Χινέην μούνην καϊ ύποΒήματα βύβΧινα' 
άΧΧην δε σφι εσθητα ουκ εξεστι Χαβεΐν ούΒε 
υποδήματα άΧΧα. Χούνται δε ΒΙς της ήμερης 
εκάστης ψνχρώ κα\ ΒΙς εκάστης νυκτός, άΧΧας τε 
θρησκηίας επιτεΧεουσι μυρίας ώς εΙπεΐν Χό^ω. 
πάσχ^ουσι Be καϊ ά'^αθα ουκ oXiya' ούτε τι <yap 


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BOOK II. 36-37 

spelt. They knead dough with their feet^ and gather 
mud and dung \vith their hands. The Egyptians and 
those who have learnt it from them are the only 
people who practise circumcision. Every man has 
two garments, every woman only one. The rings 
and sheets of sails are made fast elscAvhere outside 
the boatj but inside it in Egypt. The Greeks write 
and calculate by moving the hand from left to right ; 
the Egyptians do contrariwise ; yet they say that 
their way of writing is towards the right, and the 
Greek way towards the left. They use two kinds of 
writing; one is called sacred, the other common. ^ 

37. They are beyond measure religious, more than 
any other nation ; and these are among their cus- 
toms : — They drink from cups of bronze, which they 
cleanse out daily ; this is done not by some but by 
all. They are especially careful ever to wear newly- 
washed linen raiment. They practise circumcision for 
cleanliness' sake ; for they set cleanness above seemli- 
ness. Their priests shave the whole body every other 
day, that no lice or aught else that is foul may infest 
them in their service of the gods. The priests wear 
a single linen garment and sandals of papyrus'^: they 
may take no other kind of clothing or footwear. 
Twice a day and twice every night they wash in cold 
water. Their religious observances are, one may 
say, innumerable. But also they receive many 
benefits : they neither consume nor spend aught of 

^ Three kinds, really : hieroglyphic, hieratic (derived from 
hieroglyphic), and demotic, a simphfied form of hieratic. 
See Kawlinson's essay, ch- 5, in his Appendix to Book II. 

'^ On this plant, see ch. 92. 

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των οίκηίων τρίβουσι oure Βαττανώνταί, αλλά /cal 
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Tt9 άτΓοθάντ), τούτου 6 παΐς άντίκατίσταται, 

38. Ύούς he βοΰς τους ερσβνας τδί) Έτταφου 
elvat νομίζουσι, καϊ τούτου εΊνεκα hoκiμάζoυσt 
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ταύτα επΙ τούτω τ€τα<γμένος των τις ίρεων καϊ 
ορθού εστεώτος τού κτήνεος καϊ υπτίου, καϊ την 
ΎΚωσσαν εξειρύσας, ει καθαρή των προκείμενων 
σημηίων, τα iyco εν αλλω λόγω ερεω' κατορα δε 
καΐ^τας τρίχας της ούρης εΐ κατά φύσιν έχει 
πεφυκυίας» ην δε τούτων πάντων rj καθαρός, 
σημαίνεται βύβΧω περί τά κερεα εΐλίσσων καϊ 
έπειτα <γήν σημαντρί8α επιπΧάσας επιβάΧλει τον 
haκτύ\t0Vy καϊ οΰτω άπά^ουσι. άσημαντον δε 
θύσαντι θάνατος η ζημίη επικεεται. hoκιμάζετaι 
μεν νυν το κτήνος τρόπω τοιω8ε, θυσιη δε σφι η8ε 

39. ^ Α^α^όντες το σεσημασμενον κτήνος προς 
τον βωμον οκου αν θύωσι, πυρ άνακαίουσι, έπειτα 
δε ε'ττ' αυτού οίνον κατά τού Ιρηίου επισπείσαντες 
και επικαΧεσαντες τον θεον σφάζουσι, σφά- 


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BOOK II. 37-39 

their own ; sacred food is cooked for thein_, to each 
man is brought every day flesh of beeves and geese 
in great abundance, and Avine of grapes too is given 
to them. They may not eat fish. The Egyptians 
sow no beans in their country ; if any grow, they will 
not eat them either raw or cooked ; the priests 
cannot endure even to see them, considering beans 
an unclean kind of pulse. Many (not one alone) are 
dedicated to the service of each god. One of these 
is the high priest; and Avhen a high priest dies his 
son succeeds to his office. 

38. They hold that bulls belong to Epaphus,^ and 
therefore test them thus to see if there be as much 
as one black hair on them ; if there be, the bull is 
deemed not pure ; one of the priests, appointed to 
this task, examines the beast, making it to stand and 
to lie, and drawing out its tongue, to know whether 
it bear none of the stated signs which I shall declare 
hereafter.2 He looks also to the hairs of the tail, to 
see if they grow naturally. If it be pure in all these 
respects, the priest marks it by wrapping papyrus 
round the horns, then smears it Avith sealing-earth 
and stamps it with his ring ; and after this they lead 
the bull away. But the penalty is death for sacri- 
ficing a bull that the priest has not marked. Such is 
the manner of proving the beast ; I will now show 
how it is sacrificed. 

39. Having brought the marked beast to the altar 
where the sacrifice is to be, they kindle a fire ; then 
they pour wine on the altar over the victim and 
call upon the god ; then they cut its throat, and 

^ Epaphus is the Greek form of Apis or Hapi, the bull-god 
of Memphis; for bulls of Mair's Oppian (L.C.L.) Cyn. II. 
86, note. 2 j^^ 28. 


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ξαρτβς δε άττοτάμνονσι την κεφαΧην, σώμα μβν 
δή του KT7]V€0(i he'ipovai, κεφάΚτ) he /cetvrj πολλά 
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καΐ 'Έλλ77ΐ^€9 σφί βωσι βτΓίΖήμίοι βμποροί, οι 8e 
φέροντε^ί ές την ά^ορην άττ ων εΒοντο, τοϊσι Be αν 
μη τταρίωσι ' Ελλτ/ι^ε?, οι δ' εκβάΧΧονσι ές τον 
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^εύσεται ΑΙ'^υπτίων ούΒείς, 

40. Ή δε δ^ εξαίρεσις των Ιρών καΐ η 
καΰσι^ άΧΧη ιτερί αΧΧο ιρον σφι κατεστηκε' 
την δ' ων με<γίστην τε Βαίμονα η-^ηνται είναι καΐ 
με-'/ίστην οΐ ορτην avayovac, ταύτην έρχομαι 
ερβων ... Λ επεαν αττοΒείρωσι τον βονν^ κατεν- 
ξάμενοι κοιΧίην μεν κείνην ττασαν εξ ών εΙΧον^ 
σττΧά^χνά δε αυτοί) Χείττονσι εν τω σώματι καΐ 
την τΓΐμεΧην, σκεΧεα Β} άττοτάμνονσι κα\ την 
οσφύν άκρην καΐ τους ώμους τε καΐ τον τράχηΧον. 
ταύτα δε ττοιησαντες το άλλο σώμα τον βοος 
ΤΓΐμττΧάσι άρτων καθαρών καΐ μεΧιτος και άστα- 
φίΒος καΐ σύκων καΐ Χιβανωτον καί σμύρνης καΐ 
τών άΧΧων θυωμάτων, ττΧησαντες Βε τούτων 
κατα^ίζονσι^ εΧαιον άφΘονον καταχεοντες' ττρο- 
νηστεύσαντες Βε θύουσι, καιομενων δε τών Ιρών 

^ There is an obvious lacuna ; probably the name of the 
goddess (Isis) was given here. 


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BOOK IL 39 40 

having so done tliey sever the head from the body. 
They flay the carcase of the victim, then invoke 
many curses on its head and carry the same away. 
Where there is a market, and Greek traders in 
the place, the head is taken to the market and 
sold ; wliere tliere are no Greeks, it is thrown into 
the river. The imprecation which they utter over 
the heads is, that whatever ill threatens themselves, 
who sacrifice, or the whole of Egypt, may fall upon 
that head. In respect of the heads of sacrificed 
beasts and the libation of wine, tlie practice of all 
Egyptians is the same in all sacrifices ; and from this 
ordinance no Egyptian will taste of the head of 
anything that had life. 

40. But in regard to the disemboAvelling and burn- 
ing of the victims, there is a different way for each 
sacrifice. I will now, however, speak of that goddess 
whom they deem the greatest, and in whose honour 
they keep highest festival. The ox being flayed, after 
prayer made as aforesaid they take out the whole 
stomach, leaving the entrails in the carcase and the fat, 
and cut off the legs, the end of the loin, the shoulders^ 
and the neck. Having done this, they fill what 
remains of the carcase of the ox with pure bread, 
honey, raisins, figs, frankincense, myrrh, and other 
kinds of incense, and then burn it, pouring much oil 
on it. They fast before the sacrifice, and while it is 
burning they all make lamentation ; and when their 

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τυττΎΟΡται τται^τβ?, iireav Be άποτύψωνταί, Satra 
ττροτίθβνταί τα εΧίττοντο των Ιρων, 

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οστεα άπά^ουσι καΐ θάτττουσι ες ενα χώρον 
ττάντες. κατά ταύτα Βε τοΐσι βουσΐ καϊ ταλλα 
κτήνεα θάτττουσι αποθνήσκοντα' καϊ yap περϊ 


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BOOK II. 40-41 

lamentation is over, they set out a meal of what is 
left of the victim. 

41. All Egj^tians sacrifice unblemished bulls and 
bull-calves; they may not sacrifice cows; these are 
sacred to Isis. For the images of Isisare in woman's 
form, horned like an ox^ as tlie Greeks picture lo, and 
cows are held by far the most sacred of all beasts of 
the herd by all Egyptians alike. For this reason no"" 
Egyptian man or woman will kiss a Greek man^ or 
use a knife, or a spit, or a caldron belonging to a 
Greek, or taste the fiesh of an unblemished ox that 
has been cut up with a Greek knife. Oxen that die 
are dealt with in the following way : — Cows are cast 
into the river, bulls are buried by each city in its 
suburbs, with one or both horns uncovered for a sign : 
then, when the carcase is decomposed, and the time 
appointed is at hand, a boat comes to each city from 
the island called Prosopitis, an island in the Delta, 
of nine schoeni in circuit. There are many other 
towns in Prosopitis ; that one from which come the 
boats to gather the bones of the bulls is called 
Atarbechis;^ there stands in it a temple of Aphrodite 
of great sanctity. From this toΛvn many go about, some 
to one town and some to another, and dig up the 
bones, which they then carry away and all bury in 
one place. As they bury the oxen, so they do with 
all other beasts at death. Such is their ordinance 

^ No doubt from Athor or Hathor, under which name Isis 
was often worshipped. 


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ταύτα οΰτω σφι νενομοθβτητα^ κτβίνονσι yap 
Βη ούΒβ ταύτα. 

42. "Οσοι μβν Βη Δίος θη/3αΐ€0<; ΪΒρννται Ιρον 
η νομού τον Θηβαίου είσί, ούτοι μβν νυν 7ravT€<; 
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Χβ^ουσΐ' τούτους Be ομοίως άτταντες σέβονται» 
όσοι Be του ΜενΒητος εκτηνται Ιρον η νομού τού 
ΉίενΒησίου €ΐσί, ούτοι Be alyoyv άπ€χόμ€νοι οις 
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αυτού' τέΧος Be, Μπείτε Χιτταρίειν τον ΉρακΧεα, 
τάδε τον Αία μη-χανησασθαι* κριον βκΒβίραντα 
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κριού καΧ ενΒύντα το νάκος οΰτω οΐ εωυτον 
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σφίσι την εττωνυμίην εττοιήσαντο' ^Αμούν yap 
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θύουσι %ηβαΙοι, αλλ' είσί σφι ΙροΧ Βια τούτο. 
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ενα κατακόψαντες καΧ άποΒείραντες κατα τώυτο 
ενΒύουσι τώyaXμa τού Αιός, καΧ έπειτα άΧΧο 


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BOOK JI. 41-42 

respecting these also ; for they, too, may not be 

42. All that have among them a temple of Zeus of 
Thebes, or are of the Theban province, sacrifice 
goats but will not touch sheep. For no gods are 
worshipped in common by the whole of Egypt save 
only Isis and Osiris, whom they say to be Dionysus ; 
these are worshipped by all alike. Those who have a 
temple of Mendes^ or are of the Mendesian province 
sacrifice sheep, but will not touch goats. The 
Thebans, and those who by the Theban example will 
not touch sheep give the following reason for their 
ordinance: Heracles'•^ (they say) would by all means 
look upon Zeus, and Zeus would not be seen by him. 
At last, being earnestly entreated by Heracles, Zeus 
contrived a device, whereby he showed himself dis- 
playing the head and wearing the fleece of a ram 
which he had flayed and beheaded. It is from this 
that the Egyptian images of Zeus have a ram's head; 
and in this the Egyptians are imitated by the Ammo- 
nians, who are colonists from Egypt and Ethiopia and 
speak a language compounded of the tongues of botii 
countries. It was from this, I think, that the Ammo- 
nians got their name too ; for Amun is the Egyptian 
name for Zeus. The Thebans, then, hold rams 
sacred for this reason, and do not sacrifice them. 
But on one day in the year, at the festival of Zeus, 
they cut in pieces and flay a single ram and put the 
fleece on the image of Zeus, as in the story ; then 

1 Mendes, Greek form of Binded, a town in the Delta 
where Osiris was worshipped in the form of a ram, according 
to monuments. Here Mendes apparently = Osiris. 

"^ The Greeks identified with Heracles an Egyptian god 
Shu (called at Thebes Chonsu-Neferhotep, Ά'γαθοξαίμων). 


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τον κριον και βττειτα Ιν Ipf] θηκτ) θάτττουσι αυτόν. 

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τότε ναντίΧΐΎ}σι εχ^ρεωντο καυ ήσαν ΚΧΧηνων 
τίνες vavTiXoiy ώς ελπομαί τε καϊ εμη ^νώμη 
alpier ώστε τούτων αν καϊ μάΧΧον των θεών τα 
ούνοματα εζεττιστεατο AiyvTrTioc η τον ΗρακΧεος. 
άΧΧά τις άρχ^αΐος εστί θεός AlyvτΓτίoισL• Ήρα- 
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εττείτε εκ των οκτώ θεών οί ΒνώΒεκα θεοί iyivovTO 
τών 'ΙΙρακΧεα ενα νομιζονσι. 

44. Kat θεΧων Βε τούτων ττερι σαφές τι εΙΒέναι 
εξ ών οΐύν τε ην, εττΧενσα καϊ ες Ύύρον της 


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BOOK 11. 42-44 

they bring an image of Heracles near to it. Having 
done this, all that are about the temple mourn for 
the ram, and presently bury it in a sacred coffer. 

43. Concerning Heracles^ I heard it said that he 
was one of the twelve gods. But I could nowhere in 
Egypt hear anything concerning the other Heracles, 
whom the Greeks know. I have indeed many proofs 
that the name of Heracles did not come from Hellas 
to Egypt, but from Egypt to Hellas (and in Hellas 
to those Greeks who gave the name Heracles to the 
son of Amphitryon) ; and this is the chief among 
them — that Amphitryon and Alcmene, the parents 
of this Heracles, were both by descent Egyptian ;i 
and that the Egyptians deny knowledge of the names 
of Poseidon and the Dioscuri, nor are these gods 
reckoned among the gods of Egypt. Yet had they 
got the name of any deity from the Greeks, it was 
these more than any that they were like to remember, 
if indeed they were already making sea voyages and 
the Greeks too had seafaring men, as I suppose and 
judge ; so that the naiaes of these gods would have 
been even better kno\vn to the Egyptians than the 
name of Heracles. Nay, Heracles is a very ancient 
god in Egypt ; as the Egyptians themselves say, the 
change of the eight gods to the twelve, of whom 
they deem Heracles one, was made seventeen 
thousand years before the reign of Amasis. 

44. Moreover, wishing to get clear knowledge of 
this matter whence it was possible so to do, I took 

^ As grandchildren of Perseus, for whose Egj'ptian origin 
see 91. 


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Φοινίκη^^ 7Γννθαν6μ€νο<ζ αυτόθι elvat Ιρον Ήρα- 
κΧέο<; ayioVj και elBov ττλονσίως κατβσκβνασμενον 
ά\\οισί Τ€ ΤΓοΧλοΐσί άναθημασι, καϊ iv αντω 
ήσαν στηΧαν δύο, η μεν χρνσοΰ άπέφθον, ή he 
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69 Xoyov^ Be έΧθών τοϊσι Ιρενσι του Oeov εΐρόμην 
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evpov Be ovBe τούτους τοϊσι "Ε^ΧΧησι συμφερο- 
μένους* εφασαν yap αμα Ύυρω οικιζομεντ) και το 
ιρον του θεού ΙΒρυθηναν^ είναι Βε ετεα άπ ου 
Ύύρον οίκεουσι τρίηκόσια καϊ ΒισγίΧια. εΙΒον Be 
εν τχι Ύύρω καϊ αΧΧο ίρον ΉρακΧέος επτωνυμίην 
έχοντος (Βασίου είναι* άττικόμην Βε καϊ ε<; ©άσον, 
εν TTj ευρον Ιρον ΉρακΧεος υττο Φοινίκων ΙΒρυ- 
μενον, οι κατ Έίύρώττης ζητησιν εκΊτΧώσαντες 
®άσον έκτισαν καϊ ταύτα καϊ ττεντε ^ενε^σι 
άνΒρών Ίτρότερα εστί η τον Άμφιτρύωνο<ζ Ήρα- 
κΧεα εν ττ) *ΈιΧΧάΒι γενέσθαι, τα μεν νυν Ιστο- 
ρημένα ΒηΧοΐ σαφεως τταΧαιον θεον ΉρακΧέα 
εόντα^ κα\ Βοκεουσι Βε μοι ούτοι ορθότατα 
*ΚΧΧήνων τΓΟίεειν, οι Βιξα ^Υ^ ράκΧεια ΙΒρυσάμενοι 
εκτηνται, καϊ τω μεν ώ? άθανάτω ^ΟΧυμπίω 
Be εττωνυμίην θύουσι, τω Βε ετέρω ώ? ηρωι 

45. Αε^ουσι Βε ττοΧΧα καϊ αΧΧα άνετΓίσκετττως 
οι '^ΈιΧΧηνβ^, εύηθη<; Βε αυτών καϊ οΒε ο μύθος εστί 
τον ττερΧ τού *ΗρακΧεο<ζ Χε^ουσι, ως αυτόν άττι- 
κόμενον ες Κϊ^υιττον στεψαντες οι ΚΙ^ύτττιοι υττο 
ΤΓομτΓης εζη^ον ως θύσοντες τω Ail• τον Βε τέως 
μεν ήσυχίην εχειν, εττεί Be αυτού προς τω βωμω 

1 The Tyrian god Melkart. 

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BOOK II. 44-45 

ship to Tyre in Plioenice, where I lieard that there 
was a very holy temple of Heracles.^ Tliere I saw it^ 
richly equipped \v'ith many other offerinors, besides 
that in it there were two pillars, one of refined gold, 
one of emerald, a great pillar that shone in the 
night-time ; and in converse with the priests I asked 
how long it was since their temple was built. I 
found that neither did their account tally \vitli the 
belief of the Greeks ; for they said that the temple of 
the god was founded when Tyre first became a city, 
and that was two thousand three hundred years since. 
At Tyre I saw yet another temple of that Heracles 
called the Thasian. Then I went to Thasos, too, where 
I found a temple of Heracles built by the Phoenicians, 
Avho made a settlement there wlien they voyaged in 
search of Europe ; now they did so as much as five 
generations before the birth in Hellas of Heracles 
the son of Amphitryon. Therefore, what I have 
discovered by inquiry plainly shows that Heracles is 
an ancient god. And further : those Greeks, I think, 
are most in the right, who have established and 
practise two worships of Heracles, sacrificing to one 
Heracles as to an immortal, and calling him tlie 
01ymf)ian, but to the other bringing offerings as to a 
dead hero.^ 

45. But among the many ill-considered tales told 
by the Greeks, this is a very foolish story Λvhich they 
relate about Heracles — how when he came to Egypt 
the Egyptians crowned him and led him out in a 
procession to sacrifice him to Zeus; and for a while 
(they say) he followed quietly, but when they began 

* There is a dual Heracles in the Odyssey, xi. GUI scqq. 
An fXZwKov of him is seen in the world of the dead ; but 
"he himself" is an immortal among the gods of lieaven. 

VOL. I. Ν ^^^ 

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κατάργ^οντο, e? αΚκην τραττόμενον ττάντας σφ€α<; 
καταφονβΰσαί. €μοΙ μέν νυν SoKeovac ταύτα λΙ- 
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eva βόντα τον ΉρακΧέα καϊ €τι άνθρωπον, ως Βη 
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καϊ περί μεν τούτων τοσαύτα ημιν είπούσι καϊ 
πάρα των θεών καΐ πάρα τών ηρώων εύμενείη εϊη, 

46. Τα? 8ε Βη αΐ'γας καϊ τους τρά'^ους τώνΒε 
εΧνεκα ού θύουσι ΚΐηυπτΙων οί είρημενοί' τον 
ΥΙάνα τών οκτώ θεών Χο'γίζονταυ είναι οΐ ΉΙενΒη- 
aioij τους Βε οκτώ θεούς τούτους προτέρους τών 
ΒυώΒεκα θεών φασι γενέσθαι. Ύράφουσί τε Βη 
καϊ <γ\ύφουσι οι ζωγράφοι καϊ οι ά^αΧματοποιοΙ 
του ΐΐανος τωγαλ/χα κατά περ ΚΧληνες αΐ^οπρο- 
σωπον καϊ τρα^οσκεΧεα, ούτι τοιούτον νομίζοντες 
είναί μιν άλλα ΌμοΙον τοίσι αΧΚοισι θεοΐσΐ' οτευ 
Βε είνεκα τοιούτον ^ράφουσι αύτον^ ου μοι ηΒιον 
εστί \ε'>/είν, σέβονται Βε πάντας τους αΐ'γας οι 
Ί^ίενΒ7ίσιοι, καϊ μαΧλον τους ερσενας τών θηΧεων, 
καϊ τούτων οι αΙποΧοι τιμάς μεζονας εχ^ουσΐ' εκ Βε 
τούτων ενα μάΧιστα, όστις επεαν άποθάντ), πένθος 
με^α παντί τω Μ.ενΒ7]σίω νομώ τίθεται. καΧεεται 
Βε 6 τε τράγος και 6 ΐίαν Α.Ι'^/υπτιστΙ ΜενΒης. 
ε^^ενετο Βε εν τω νομώ τούτω eV εμεύ τούτο το 
τέρας• 'γυναικί τράγος εμίσ^ετο άναφανΒόν. τούτο 
ες επίΒεζιν ανθρώπων άπίκετο. 

47. '^Τι^ Βε Aiy ύπτιοι μιαρον ψ/ηνται θηρίον 
είναι, καϊ τούτο μεν ην τις ψαύστ] αυτών παριών 


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HOOK II. 45-47 

the first rites of sacrifice upon liim at the allar_, lie 
resisted and slew them all. Now it seems to me 
that by this story the Greeks sliow themselves wholly 
i<riiorant of tlie character and customs of the 
Egyptians ; for ho>v sliould they sacrifice men, wlio 
are forbidden to sacrifice even the lower animals, 
save only swine and bulls and bull-calves, if they be 
unblemished, and geese ? Moreover, Heracles being- 
alone, and still but a man, as they say, how is it 
natural that he should slay a countless multitude ? 
So much I say of this matter ; may no god or hero 
be displeased with me therefor ! 

46. This is the reason why the Egyptians of whom 
I have spoken sacrifice no goats, male or female : 
the Mendesians reckon Pan among the eight gods, 
who, they say, were before the twelve gods. Now 
in their painting and sculpture the image of Pan is 
made as among the Greeks with the head and the 
legs of a goat ; not that he is deemed to be in truth 
such, or unlike to other gods ; but Avhy they so 
present him I have no v/ish to say. Tlie Mendesians 
hold all goats sacred, the male even more than the 
female, and goatherds are held in especial honour: 
one he-goat is most sacred of all ; when he dies 
it is ordained that there should be great mourning 
in all the Mendesian province. In the Egyptian 
language Mendes is the name both for the he-goat 
and for Pan, In my lifetime a monstrous thing 
haj)pened in this province, a >voman having open in- 
tercourse with a he-goat. This came to be publicly 
V/^47. Swine are held by the Egyptians to be unclean 
rr^easts. Firstly, if an Egyptian touch a hog in 

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VQSy αντοΐσί τοΐσι Ιματίοίσι άττ ων ββαψβ ίωυτον 
βα^ς 69 τον ΤΓΟταμόν τοΰτο Se οι σνβώται eovres 
AlyvTTTLOL iyy€V€€<i €ς Ιρον ovhev των iv AlyvTrra) 
eaep'X^ovrai μούνοί πάντων, ouSe σφι βκΒί^οσθαι 
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Se τους ΰς iv μβν τ^σι aXXrjac ορτγσι άττεστυ^ή- 
κασι ev δβ ταύττ) θυουσί, εστί μΛν Χο^ος ττβρϊ 
αυτού υιτ Αΐ^υτττίων Χβ^ομενος, βμοι μεντοι εττι- 
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he ήΒβ των ύών ττ) '^βΧηντ] ττοιβεταΐ' eireav 
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οί δβ ιτ€νητ€ς αυτών ύττ άσθενειης βίου σταιτίνας 
ΊτΧάσαντες υς καϊ οτττ/^σαζ^τβς ταύτας Θύουσι. 

48. Τω δε Αιονύσω της ορτης ττ} Βορττίτ] ^χοΐρον 
ττρο τών θυρεών σφάξας έκαστος BlSol άττο- 
φέρεσθαί τον yolpov αύτω τω άιτοΒομενω τών 
συβωτεων. την Βε άΧΧην avayovjjL ορτην τω 
Αίονύσω οΙ Αΐ^ύτττιοι ττΧην χορών κατά ταύτα 
σχεόον ττάντα "ΚΧΧησί' άντΙ Βε φαΧΧών άΧΧα 
σφι εστί iζευpημεva^ όσον τε πηχυαία άηάΧμο,τα 
νευρόσπαστα, τα περιφορεουσι κατα κώμας γυ- 
ναίκες, νεύον το αΙΒοΙον, ου ποΧΧώ τ€ω εΧασσον 


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HOUK II, 47-48 

passing by^ he goes to the river and dips himself in 
it^ clothed as he is ; and secondly^, swineherds, native 
born Egyptians though they be, are alone of all men 
forbidden to enter any Egyptian temple ; nor will any 
give a swineherd his daughter in marriage, nor take 
a wife from their women; but swineherds intermarry 
among themselves. Nor do the Egyptians think right 
to sacrifice swine to any god save the Moon and 
Dionysus ; to these they sacrifice their swine at the 
same time, in the same season of full moon ; then 
they eat of the flesh. The Egyptians have an account 
of the reason why they sacrifice swine at this festival, 
yet abominate them at others ; I know it, but it is 
not fitting that I should relate it. But this is how 
they sacrifice swine to the Moon : the sacrificer lays 
the end of the tail and the spleen and the caul 
together and covers them up with all the fat that he 
finds about the belly, then burns all with fire ; as for 
the rest of the flesh, they eat it at the time of full 
moon when they sacrifice the victim ; but they will 
not taste it on any other day. Poor men, having but 
slender means, mould swine of dough, which they 
then bake and sacrifice. 

48. To Dionysus, on the evening of his festival, 
everyone oilers a porker which he kills before his 
door and then gives to the swineherd himself who 
has sold it, for liim to take away. The rest of the 
festival of Dionysus is ordered by the Egyptians 
much as it is by the Greeks, except for the dances ; 
but in place of the phallus they have invented the 
use of puppets a cubit long moved by strings, which 
are carried about the villages by women, the male 
member moving and near as big as the rest of the 


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iou του άλλου σώματος- ττροη^ίβταί Se ανΧός, at 
he βτΓονταί aeihovaaL τον Αωνυσον, Slotl he μίξον 
Te e^et το αΙΒοϊον κα\ Kiveei μουνον τον σώματο<ζ, 
€στί \oyo^ irepi αυτού Ιρος \ey6μevoς. 

49. "Ηδ?7 ων Bofceei μοι ΜεΧάμττου^; 6 ^Aμυθeωvo<; 
της Θυσίης ταύτης ουκ elvai άΒαης α-λλ* eμ7Γeipoς* 
"EjWqai yap 8η Μ€Χάμ7Τους €στΙ 6 έξη^ησάμενος 
του Αιονύσου το τε οΰνομα κα\ την θυσίην καΐ 
την ΤΓομττην του φαΧλοΰ' ατρεκίως μεν ου πάντα 
συΧλαβων τον \6yov εφηνε, αλλ' Oί'ε7nyεv6μevoί 
τούτω σοφισταΐ μεζονως εξεφηναν τον δ' ων 
φαΧλον τον τω Αιονύσω πεμττόμενον ΜεΧάμπους 
εστί 6 κaτηyησάμεvoςy καΐ άττο τούτου μαθοντες 
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€ωυτω σύστησαν καΐ ττυθόμενον αττ hlyύΊΓτoυ 
αΧΧα τ€ τΓοΧΧα εσηyήσaσΘaι ^'ΚΧΧησι καΐ τα 
ττερί τον Αιονυσον, oXiya αύτων τταραΧΧάξαντα. 
ου yap Βη συμττεσεϊν ye φησω τά τε εν Alyύπτω 
ΤΓΟίεύμενα τω θεω καΐ τα εν τοϊσι '^ΚΧΧησί' ομό- 
τροττα yap αν ην τοϊσι '' ΚΧΧησι κα\ ου νεωστί 
εσηyμεva. ου μεν ούΒε φήσω οκως Αιγύπτιοι 
παρ* 'Έ^ΧΧηνων εΧαβον ή τούτο ή αΧΧο κού τι 
νόμαιον. πυθεσθαι Βε μοι Βοκεει μάΧιστα Me- 
Χάμπους τα περί τον Αιονυσον πάρα Κ,άΒμου τε 
του Ύυρίου κα\ των συν αύτω εκ Φοινίκης απικο- 
μενων ες την νύν Βοιωτί7]ν καΧεομενην 'χωρην. 

50. 2%βδόί/ Βε καΐ πάντων τα ούνόματα των θεών 
εζ ΑΙγύπτου εΧηΧυθε ες την Ελλάδα. Βιότι μίν 
yap εκ των βαρβάρων ηκει, πυνθανόμενος οΰτω 
ευρίσκω εόν Βοκεω δ* ων μάΧιστα αττ' Αιγύπτου 
άπϊχθαι, οτι yap Βη μη ΤΙοσειΒεωνος καΐ Αιοσ- 


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BOOK II. 48-50 

body ; a flute-player goes before, the women follow 
after, singing of Dionysus. There is a sacred legend 
which gives the reason for the appearance and 
motions of these puppets. 

49. Now, this being so, it seems to me that 
Melampus son of Amytheon was not ignorant but 
had attained knowledge of this sacrifice. For it 
was Melampus who taught the Greeks the name of 
Dionysus, and the way of sacrificing to him, and the 
phallic procession ; I would not in strictness say that 
he showed them completely the whole matter, for 
the later teachers added somewhat to his showing; 
but it was from him that the Greeks learnt to 
bear the phallus along in honour of Dionysus, 
and they got their present practice from his teacli- 
ing. I think, then, that Melampus showed himself 
a clever man, in that he had acquired the prophetic 
art, and in his teaching of the worship of Dionysus, 
besides much else, came from Egypt with but slight 
change ; for I will not admit that it is a chance 
agreement between the Egyptian ritual of Dionysus 
and the Greek ; for were that so, the Greek ritual 
would be of a Greek nature and not but lately 
introduced. Nor yet Λνϋΐ I hold that the Egyptians 
took either this or any other custom from the Greeks. 
But I believe that Melampus learnt the worship of 
Dionysus chiefly from Cadmus of Tyre and those who 
came with Cadmus from Phoenice to the land now 
called Boeotia. 

50. Indeed, wellnigh all the names of the gods 
came to Hellas from Egypt. For I am assured by 
inquiry that they have come from foreign parts, and 
I believe that they came chiefly from Egypt. Except 
the names of Poseidon and the Dioscuri, as I have 


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κούρων, ώ? κσΧ irporepov μοί ταύτα βϊρηταί, κα\ 
'^Ηρη^ καΐ Ίστί?;? καΐ θέμιος καΐ Χαρίτων καΐ 
^ηρηίΖων, των άΧλων θβων AlyvTrTLOLai aUi κοτ€ 
τα οννόματα €στΙ ev ttj χώρτ), \€yω Be τα Xiyovat 
αυτοί AlyvTTTCoi, των δβ ου ψασί θβων yivcoaKeiv 
TCL ούνόματα, ούτοι Si μοι Ζοκίουσι ύττο Π^λασ- 
ycuv ονομασθηναι, ττΧην ΤίοσβιΒβωνος' τούτον he 
τον Oeov τταρά Αιβύων εττύθοντο' ουΒαμοΙ yap 
αττ' άρχ7]ς ΐίοσεώβωνος οΰνομα βκτηνται el μη 
Αίβυβ^ καΐ τιμώσι τον 9eov τούτον alei, νομί- 
ζουσι δ' ώι^ AlyviTTioi oh'S ήρωσί ovBev* 

51. Ύαύτα μέν νυν καΐ α\Χα ττρος τουτοισι, τα 
iyo) φράσω, '^ΚλΧηνες άττ Alyυ7ΓTiωv vevoμίκaσr 
τον Be Έρμέω τα άyάXμaτa ορθά €χ€ίν τα αΙΒοΐα 
'ποΐ€ύντ€ς ουκ άττ* Alyυ7Γτίωv μ€μαΘηκασι, αλλ' 
άτΓο YleXaayoiv πρώτοι μεν ΈΧΧήνων απάντων 
^Αθηναίοι παραΧαβόντες, πάρα Be τούτων ώΧΧοι, 
^Αθηναίοισι yap ηΒη τηνικαύτα €ς "ΕΧΧηνας τβ- 
Χίουσι Πελασγοί σύνοικοι eyevovTO ev ττ} χωρτ), 
oOev περ κανΈιλΧηνες ήρξαντο νομισθήναι, οστι^ 
Be τα Καβείρων opyia μεμύηται, τα Έ.αμοθρήικ€<; 
επιτεΧίουσι παραΧαβόντες πάρα Πελασγών, ούτος 
ώνηρ oiBe το X€yω' την yap Έ,αμοθρηίκην οϊκεον 
προτερον Πελασγοί ούτοι οϊ περ Αθηναιοισι 
σύνοικοι iyevovTO, καΐ πάρα τούτων Ίαμοθρήικες 
τα opyia παραΧαμβάνονσι, ορθά ων εχειν τα 
αΙΒοΐα τάyάXμaτa του 'Έ^ρμεω ^Αθηναίοι πρώτοι 
ΈΧΧηνων μαθόντβς πάρα ΐl€Xaσyώv εποιησαντο' 
οΐ Be YleXaayol Ιρόν τινα Xoyov περί αυτού εΧεξαν, 
τά εν τοϊσι ev Χαμοθρηίκτ) μυστηρίοισι ΒεΒηΧωται. 

52. *Κθυον Βε πάντα προτερον οΐ Πελασγοί 
θεοΧσι επ ευχόμενοι, ώ<ζ iyo) εν ΑωΒώντ) οΙΒα άκού- 


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BOOK 11. 50-52 

already said^ and Here^ and Hestia^ and Themis^ and 
the Graces and the Nereids^ the names of all the 
gods have ever existed in Egypt. I say but what the 
Egyptians themselves say. The gods whose names 
they say they do not know were, as 1 think, named 
by the Pelasgians, save only Poseidon, of wlioni they 
learnt the knowledge from the Libyans. Alone of 
all nations the Libyans have had among them the 
name of Poseidon from the first, and they have ever 
honoured this god. The Egyj)tians, hoAvever, are 
not accustomed to pay any honours to heroes. 

51. These customs then and others "besides, which 
I shall show, were taken by the Greeks from the 
Egyptians. It was not so with the ithyphallic images 
of Hermes; the making of these came from the 
Pelasgians, from whom the Athenians were the first 
of all Greeks to take it, and then handed it oil to 
others. For the Athenians Avere then already 
counted as Greeks Avhen the Pelasgians came to 
dwell in the land with them, and thereby began 
to be considered as Greeks. Whoever has been 
initiated into the rites of the Cabeiri, which the 
Samothracians learnt from the Pelasgians and now 
practice, he understands what my meaning is. 
Samothrace was formerly inhabited by those Pelas- 
gians who came to dwell among the Athenians, and 
it is from them that the Samothracians take their 
rites. The Athenians, then, were the first Greeks to 
make ithyphallic images of Hermes, and this they 
did because the Pelasgians taught them. The 
Pelasgians told a certain sacred tale about this, which 
is set forth in the Samothracian mysteries. 

52. Formerly, in all their sacrifices, the Pelasgians 
called upon gods (this 1 know, for I was told at 


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σας•, βττωννμίην Be ovh^ ουνομα iiroievvTO ovhevl 
αυτών' ου yap άκηκόβσάν κω, θ€θύς Be ττροσω- 
νομασαν σφea^ αττο του τοιούτου^ οτι κοσμώ 
θέρτ€<ζ τα ττάντα πpήyμaτa κα\ ττάσα^ νομας 
el'χ^ov. βττειτα Be 'χ^ρόνου ττοΧλοΰ Bie^eXOovTO^ 
Ιττύθοντο e/c τή^ Αί^υτττου αττικομενα τα ουνοματα 
των Θεών τών αΧΚων, Διονύσου Be ύστερον ττοΧλώ 
εττύθοντο. καΐ μετά 'χρόνον εχ^ρηστηριάζοντο 
ττερίτώνοννομάτωνεν ΑωΒώντ]' το yap Βη μαντήιον 
τούτο νενομισται άρ'χ^αιότατον τών εν ' ΈίΧλησι 
'χρηστηρίων είναι, καΐ ην τον χρόνον τούτον μου- 
νον. εττεί ών ε'χ^ρηστηριάζοντο ev ttj ΑωΒώνΐ] οΙ 
Ilε\aσyol εΐ άνελωνται τα ουνοματα τα αττο τών 
βαρβάρων ηκοντα, άνεΐΧε το μαντψον γ^ρασθαι. 
άτΓΟ μεν Βη τούτου του γ^ρονου εθυον τοΐσι ούνόμασι 
τών θεών χρεωμένοι' τταρα Βε Tle\aσyώv '^ ΕΧΚηνες 
εξεί)εξαντο ύστερον. 

53. "Ενθεν Βε iyivovTO εκαστο<; τών θεών, εϊτε 
αΐεΐ ήσαν ττάντες, οκοΊοί τε τινε^ τα εϊΒεα, ουκ 
ήτΓίστεατο μέχρι ου ττρώην τε καϊ χθε<ζ ώς είττεΐν 
λόγω. 'ΙΙσΙοΒον yap καϊ "Ομηρον ηΧίκίην τετ ρα- 
κοσίοισι ετεσι Βοκεω μευ ιτρεσβυτερους yεvεσθaι 
καϊ ου ττΧεοσΐ' ούτοι Βε είσϊ οι ποιήσαντ€<ζ θεο- 
yovίηv 'ΈΧλησι καϊ τοΐσι θεοΐσι τα<; εττωνυμίας 
Βόντε<; καϊ τιμά<ζ τε και τεχνας Βιε\6ντε<ζ καϊ εϊΒεα 
αυτών σημηναντε^ζ» οι Βε ττρότερον ττοιηταΐ \ey6- 
μενοι τούτων τών άνΒρών yεvεσθaι ύστερον, eμoιyε 
Βοκεειν, iyivovTO. τούτων τα μεν ιτρώτα αι Δωδω- 
νΙΒε^ Ιρεΐαι Xeyoυσι, τα Βε ύστερα τα ες Ήσίοδόί' 
τε καΥ'Ομηρον έχοντα βγω \εyω. 

54. Χρηστηρίων Be ττερι του τε εν "ΕΧλησι και 


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BOOK Π. 52-54 

Dodona) without giving name or appellation to 
any; for they had not as yet heard of sucli. I'hey 
called them gods ^ because all things and the due 
assignment thereof Avere by tliem set in order. 
Then^ after a long \vhile, they learnt the names first 
of the rest of the gods^ Avhich came to them from 
Egyptj and, much later, the name of Dionysus ; and 
presently they inquired of the oracle at Dodona 
concerning the names ; for this place of divination is 
held to be the most ancient in Hellas, and at that 
time it \vas the only one. When the Pelasgians, 
tlien, inquired at Dodona if they should ado]:>t the 
names that had eome from foreign parts, the oracle 
bade them use the names. From that time on- 
wards they used the names of the gods in their 
sacrifices ; azid the Greeks received these later from 
the Pelasgians. 

53. But \vhence each of the gods came into being, 
or Avliether they had all for ever existed, and what 
outw^ard forms they had, the Greeks knew not till (so 
to say) a very little while ago ; for 1 su])pose that the 
time of Hesiod and Homer was not more than four 
hundred years before my own ; and these are they 
who tauglit the Greeks of the descent of the gods, 
and gave to all their several names, nnd honours, 
and arts, and declared their outward forms. But 
those poets who are said to be older tlian Hesiod 
and Homer were, to my thinking, of later birth. 
The earlier part of all this is \vhat the priestesses of 
Dodona tell ; the later, that which concerns Hesiod 
and Homer, is what 1 myself say. 

5^. But as concerning the oracles in Hellas, and 

* On the supposition that Oeos meant "a disposer," 
connected with θβσμόί, τίθημι, etc, 


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τον iv Αίβύ{] TovSe AlyuirrtoL \oyov Xeyovai, 
ϋφασαν οι Ipee^i τον Θηβαία Δί09 Svo yvvat/ca^ 
ίρ6ία<ζ €Κ θηββων έξαχθήναί νττο Φοινίκων, και 
την μεν αντίων ιτνθβσθαι 69 Αίβνην ττρηθεϊσαν την 
δε €9 τους '^ΚλΧηνα<;' ταύτας δε τας γυναίκας 
elvai τ ας ιΒρνσαμβνας τα μ.αντήια ττρώτας iv τοϊσι 
είρημενοίσι εθνεσί. είρομβνον δε μεν όκόθβν οντω 
άτρεκεως ετηστάμενοι Xiyovai, εφασαν ττρος 
ταντα ζήτησιν μεyakηv άττο σφεων yεvεσθaL των 
yvvaLKOiV τοντεων, καϊ άνενρείν μεν σφεας ον Βν- 
νατοί yεviσθat, ττνθεσθαι δε ύστερον ταύτα ττερί 
αντεων τά ττερ δ?) ε\εyov. 

55. Ύαντα μεν ννν των ενθήβτ]σί Ιρεων ηκονον, 
τά8ε δε ΑωΒωναίων φασί αΐ ιτρομάντιες' δύο ττε- 
ΧειάΒας με\αίνας εκ ©ηβεων των AlyviTTiioyv 
άναττταμενας την μεν αντεων ες Αίβνην την δε 
τταρα σφεας άτηκεσθαι, Ιζομενην δε μιν εττΐ φηyov 
αν^άξασθαι φωνί] άνθρωττηίτ) ώς χρεον εΐη μαν- 
τήίον αντόθί Αίος yεveσθaLf καϊ αντονς νττοΧαβεΐν 
θείον είναι το ε7rayyεXλ6μεvov αντοΐσί, και σφεας 
εκ τούτον ττοίήσαι. την δε ες τονς Αίβνας οΙχ(\- 
μενην 7τεΧειά8α XεyovσL "Αμμωνος χρηστήριον 
κεΧενσαι τονς Αίβνας ττοιεείν εστί δε καϊ τοντο 
Αίός. ΑωΒωναΙων δε αϊ ίρεΐαι, των ττ) ιτρεσβν- 
τάτγ) οννομα ην ΙΙρομβνεια, ττ) δε μετά ταντην 
Ύιμαρετη^ τη δε νεωτάτη Νικάν^ρη, εXεyov ταντα' 
σvvωμoX6yεov δε σφί καϊ οι άΧΧοι Αω^ωναΐοι οΐ 
ττερί το (pov. 

56. Έγώ δ* εχω ττερΙ αντων yvώμηv τήνΒε' εΐ 
άΧηθεως οι Φοίνικες i^r]yayov τας Ιράς yvvaΐκaς 
καϊ την μεν αντεων ες Αιβύην την δε ε? την 
Ελλάδα airiSovTOf Βοκεει εμοί η yvvrj αντη της 

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BOOK II. 54-56 

that one uliich is in Libya^ tliis is the account given 
by the Kc^yptians. The priests of Zeus of Thebes 
told me tliat two priestesses had been carried away 
from Tliebes by Phoenicians ; one of them (so^ they 
said, they liad learnt) was taken away and sold in 
Libya, and tlie other in Hellas; these women, they 
said, w^ere the first founders of places of divination in 
the countries aforesaid. When I asked them hoAv it 
was that they could speak with so certain knowledge, 
they said in reply that their peopje had sought dili- 
gently for these women, and had never been able to 
find them, but had learnt later the tale which was 
now told to me. 

55. That, then, I Iieard from the Theban priests ; 
and what follows, is told by the prophetesses of 
Dodona : to wit, that two black doves had come flying 
from Thebes in Egypt, one to Libya and one to 
Dodona; this last settled on an oak tree, and uttered 
there human speech, declaring that there must be 
tliere a place of divination from Zeus; the people of 
Dodona understood that the message was divine, and 
therefore they established the oracular shrine. The 
dove which came to Libya bade the Libyans (so they 
say) to make an oracle of Ammon ; this also is sacred 
to Zeus. Such was the tale told by the Dodonaean 
priestesses, of whom the eldest was Promeneia and 
the next in age Timarete, and the youngest Nicandra ; 
and the rest of the servants of the temple at Dodona 
likewise held it true. 

56. But this is my own belief about it. If the 
Phoenicians did in truth carry away the sacred 
women and sell one in Libya and one in Hellas, then 
to my thinking the part of what is now Hellasf^jFBt 


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νυν Έλλάδθ9, TTpoTcpov 8e TlGXaayt}}^ καΧευμίνη^ 
ttJ? αύτί}? ταύτης ^ ττρηθηναι e? Θβσττ/^ωτού?, 
€7Τ€ίτα hovXevovaa αυτόθι ί8ρύσασθαι ύττο φ'>]Ύφ 
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σαν iv (oi]firjat Ιρον Δίό?, βνθα άπίκ^το, ενθαΰτα 
μνήμην αύτον εχβίν' etc 8e τούτου γ^ρηστηριον 
κατη^ησατο^ βττβίτε συνεΧαβε την 'Ελλάδα yXcoa- 
σαν φάναί Si οΐ άΕεΧφεην εν Αιβύτ) ττεττρησθαι 
υπο των αυτών Φοινίκων υττ ων καΐ αύτη επρήθη, 

57. ΤΙεΧειάΒες δε μοι Βοκεουσί κΧηθηναί προς 
ΑωΒωναίων εττΐ τουΒε αΐ γυναίκες, Βίότι βάρβαροι 
ήσαν, εΒόκεον 8ε σφι ομοίως ορνισι φθεγγεσθαΐ' 
μετά Se γ^ρονον την πεΧειάΒα άνθρωττηίτ] φωντ} 
αύ8άξασθαι Χε^ουσι, εττείτε συνετά σφι ηΰ8α η 
^υνή' εως 8ε εβαρβάριζε, όρνιθος τρόπον εΒόκεε 
σφι φθε^^εσθαι, επεί τε(ύ αν τρόπω πεΧειάς ye 
ανθρωπηιη φωντ} φθeyξaιτo ; μεΧαιναν 8ε Χε- 
yovτες είναι την πεΧειάΒα σημαίνουσι οτι ALyυ- 
πτίη ή yυvη ην. 

58. Ή δ€ μαντηιη η τε εν (^ήβ^σι τρσι Aιyυ- 
ΤΓτίι^σί και εν Αω^ώντ) παραπΧησιαι άΧΧήΧτ^σι 
τυγ)(^άνουσι εοΰσαι, εστί 8ε καΐ των ίρών ή μαν- 
τική απ Alyύπτoυ άπιyμevη. 7Γavηyύpις 8ε αρα 
καΐ πομπάς καΐ πpoσayωyάς πρώτοι ανθρώπων 
AL•yυπτιoι εισι οι ποιησάμενοι, καΐ πάρα τούτων 

ΚΧΧηνες μεμαθήκασι. τεκμηριον 8ε μοι τούτου 
τόδε• αΐ μεν yap φαίνονται εκ ποΧΧοΰ τευ γ^ρόνου 
ποιεύμεναι, αΐ 8ε *\ίΧΧηνικαΙ νεωστί εποιήθησαν, 

59. ΐlavηyυpίζoυσL• 8ε Aiyύπτιoι ουκ άπαξ του 

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BOOK Π. 56-59 

was formerly called Pelascjia^ where this last was 
sold, was Thesprotia ; and j)resently, beini^ there in 
slavery, she established a slirine of Zeus under an oak 
that was growing there; for it was reasonable that as 
she had been a handmaid of the temple of Zeus at 
Thebes she should remember that temple in the land 
to which she had come. After this she taught divi- 
nation, as soon as she understood the Greek language ; 
and she said that her sister had been sold in Libya 
by the same Phoenicians who sold her» 

57. I suppose that these women were called 
'^doves'* by the people of Dodona because they 
spoke a strange language, and the people thought 
it like the cries of birds; presently the woman spoke 
what they could understand, and that is why they 
say that the dove uttered human speech ; as long as 
she spoke in her foreign language, they thought lier 
voice was like the voice of a bird. For how could 
a dove utter the speech of men ? Tlie tale that 
the dove was black signifies that the woman was 

58. The fashions of divination at Thebes of Egypt 
and Dodona are like to one another ; moreover the 
practice of divining from the sacrificed victim has 
also come from Egypt. It would seem too that the 
Egyptians Λvere the first people to establish solemn 
assemblies, and processions, and services ; the Greeks 
learnt all this from them, 1 hold this proved, 
because the Egyptian ceremonies are manifestly very 
ancient, and the Greek are of late origin, 

59. The Egyptians hold solemn assemblies not 

^ Perhaps Herodotus' explanation is right. But the name 
•* doves" may be purely symbolic; thus priestesses of 
Dcmcter and Artemis were sometimes called liees. 

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έβΒομηκοντα μυριάΒα^;, ώς οι iττL'χώpιoL XeyovσL. 

G1. Ύαντα μίν Βη ταύττ] TTOieeTaiy iv Be ^ονσίρι 
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Tepov μοί' τύτττονται μ€ν yap Βη μeτa την Θυσίην 

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BOOK II. 59-61 

once in the year, but often. The chiefest of these 
and the most zealously celebrated is at the town of 
Bubastis^ in honour of Artemis, and tlie next is that 
in honoxzr of Isis at Busiris. This town is in the 
middle of the Egyptian Delta, and there is in it a 
very great temj)le of Isis, wlio is in the Greek 
language, Demeter. The third greatest festival is at 
Sais in honour of Athene ; the fourth is the festival 
of the sun at Heliopolis, the fifth of Leto at Buto, and 
the sixth of Ares at Papremis. 

60. When the people are on their way to Bubastis 
they go by river, men and women together, a great 
number of each in every boat. Some of the women 
make a noise Avith rattles, others play flutes all the 
wa}', Avhile the rest of the women, and the men, sing 
and clap their hands. As they journey by river to 
Bubastis, whenever they come near any other town 
they bring their boat near the bank ; then some of 
the women do as 1 have said, while some shout 
mockery of the women of the town ; others ddnce, 
and others stand up and expose their persons. This 
they do whenever they come beside any riverside 
town. But Avhen they have reached Bubastis, they 
make a festival with great sacrifices, and more wine is 
drunk at this feast than in the whole year beside. 
Men and women (but not children) are wont to 
assemble there to the number of seven hundred 
thousand, as the people of.the place say. 

61. Such is their practice there ; I have already 
told how they keep the feast of Isis at Busiris. 
There, after the sacrifice, all the men and women 

* Bubastis in the Delta, the "city of PashL," where the 
cat-headed goddess Pasht (identified by Herodotus with 
Artemis) was worshipped. 


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ΒήΧοι ΟΤΙ elal ξα,νοι καΐ ουκ Αιγύπτιοι. 

62. Έ? ^άιν Be ττόΧιν iireav σνΧλβχ^θέωσι, της 
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ο ι μεν Βη oXiyoi οι ττερί τώyaXμa ΧεΧειμμενοι 
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τ€ καΐ το iv τω νΐ/ω ivεov ayaXμa, 6ΐ Βε ουκ iώσι 


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BOOK Π. 61-63 

lament, in countless numbers ; but it were profane 
for me to say who it is for whom they lament. 
Carian dwellers in Egypt do even more than this, for 
they cut their foreheads Λvith knives ; showing there- 
by, that they are not Egyptians but strangers. 

62. When they assemble at Sais, on the night of 
the sacrifice, they all keep lamps burning in the open 
air round about their houses. These lamps are saucers 
full of salt and oil, the wick floating thereon, and 
burning all night. This is called the Feast of Lamps. 
Egyptians who do not come to this assemblage are 
careful on the night of sacrifice to keep their own 
lamps burning, and so they are alight not only at Sais 
but throughout all Egypt. A sacred tale is told 
showing why this night is thus lit up and honoured. 

(53. When the people go to Heliopolis and Buto 
they offer sacrifice only. At Papremis sacrifice is 
offered and rites performed as elsewhere ; but when 
the sun is sinking, while a few of the priests are 
left to busy themselves Λvith the image, the 
greater number of them beset the entrance of the 
temple, with clubs of wo*" 1 in their hands ; they 
are confronted by more than a thousand men, all 
performing vows and all carrying wooden clubs 
like the rest. The image of the god, in a little 
wooden gilt casket, is carried on the day before 
this from the temple to another sacred chamber. 
The few who are left with the image draw a four- 
Λvheeled cart carrying it in its casket ; tlie other 
priests stand in the temple porch and prevent its 


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ev τοΐσί ττ ροττυλαίοισ L €στ€ώτ€<; iaievaL, οι Bk 
εύχωΧιμαϊοί τιμωρεοντΕς τω θεω ιταιονσι αντον'ζ 
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τροφον ^ενόμενον εΧθεΙν εξανΒρωμενον εθεΚοντα 
ττ) μητρί συμμίζαι, καυ tol"? ττροτΓοΧους τή<; 
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ττροττόΧους τρηχεως ττεριαττεϊν καΐ εσεΧθεΐν τταρα 
την μητέρα, άπο τούτου τω "Αρει ταύτην την 
7ΓXηyηv εν Ty ορτη νενομικεναι φασί. 

64. Κ.αΙ το μη μίσyεσθaL yvvaιξl εν ΙροΙσι μηΒε 
άΧούτους αίνο yυvaικωv ες Ιρα εσίεναι ουτοί εΙσΧ 
οΐ ττρωτοί Θρησκευσαντες, οι μεν yap oXXol 
σ^εΒον ττάντες άνθρωποί, ττΧην Alyυ7Γτίωv καΐ 
ΚΧΧηνων, μίσyovτaL εν ιροίσι καΐ άττο yυvaLκώv 

άνυστάμενοι άΧοντοί εσερχονται ες IpoVy νομί- 
ζοντες άνθρώτΓους είναι κατά ττερ τα αΧΧα κτηνεα' 
καΐ yap τα αΧΧα κτηνεα οράν καΐ ορνίθων yεvεa 
ο^ευόμενα εν τε τοΐσί νηοΐσι των θεών καΐ εν 
τοΐσί τεμενεσί' εΙ ων είναί τω θεω τούτο μη 
φίΧον, ουκ αν ούΒε τα κτηνεα ττοιεειν. ούτοι 
μεν νυν τοιαύτα ε^nXεyovτες ττοιεΰσι εμoίye ουκ 
αρεστά' Alyύ^ττLOί Βε θρησκεύουσι ιτερισσώς τά 
τε άΧΧα ττερί τά Ιρά καΧ Βη καΙ τάΒε, 

65. ΈοΓσα η Alyυ^ττoς ομουρος Tjj Αιβύη ου 

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BOOK J I. 63-65 

entnmce ; tlie votaries take the part of the god, and 
smite the priests, who resist. There is hard figliting 
with clubs, and heads are broken, and as I think 
(though the Egyptians told me no life Avas lost), 
many die of their wounds. The assemblage, say the 
pco})le of the country, took its rise thus : — The 
motlier of Arcs dΛvelt in this temple ; Ares had been 
reared away from her, and when he grew to manhood 
came to hold converse with his mother; but as her 
attendants, never having seen him before, ke])t him 
off and would not suflfer him to pass, Ares brought 
men from anotlier town, roughly handled the attend- 
ants, and gained access to his mother. From this, 
they say, arose tliis custom of a battle of blows at 
the festival in honour of Ares.-•- 

64. Further, it was the Egyptians who first made 
it a matter of religious observance not to have inter- 
course with Avomen in tem})les, nor enter a temple 
after such intercourse without >vashing. Nearly all 
other men are less careful in this matter than are the 
Egyptians and Greeks, and hold a man to be like 
any other animal ; for beasts and birds («they say) 
are seen to mate both in the temples and the sacred 
precincts ; now Avere this displeasing to the god 
neither would the beasts do so. This is the reason 
given by others for practices which I for my part 
mislike ; but the Egyptians in this and in all other 
matters are exceeding strict against desecration of 
their temples. 

65. Though Egypt has Libya on its borders, it is 

^ It is uncertain what Egyptian deity Herodotus identifies 
with Ares. In a Greek papyrus, "Ares" is the equivalent 
for the Egyptian Anhur, a god, apparently, not clearly 
diifereiitiated from " Shu" or '* Heracles." 

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βοΚα θηριώδης iarl• τα δε iovra σφί άτταντα 
ιρα ΐ'€ΐ/ομίσταί, καϊ τα pcev σύντροφα αντοίσι 
τοΐσι άνθρώτΓΟίσί^ τα Se ου. των δβ eiveKev ανύται 
τα θηρία Ιρα el Xeyoi^L, καταβαίην αν τω Χό^ω 
t'? τα θ βία ττρή'γματα, τα βγω φevyω μάλιστα 
άπηy€eσθaL' τα 8e καΐ βϊρηκα αυτών εττίΛ^αυσα?, 
avayfcairj καταλαμβανόμενος elrrov. νόμος Se εστί 
περί των θι^ρίων ώδβ εχ^ων μεΧεΒωνοΙ άττοδβ- 
^έχαταί της τροφής χωρίς εκάστων και βρσενες 
καΐ θηΧβαι των Αΐ^νπτίων^ των παις τταρα ττατρος 
εκΒεκεται την τιμήν, οι δβ εν τγσι ττολυσι έκαστοι 
εύχας τάσΒε σφι άττοτεΧεουσι* ευχόμενοι τω θεω 
του αν η το θηρίον, ξυρώντες των τταώίων ή 
ττάσαν την κεφαΧην η το ήμισυ η το τρίτον μέρος 
της κεφαΧής^ Ιστασι σταθμω ττρος αργύρων τας 
τρίχας- το δ' αν εΧκύστ), τούτο tjj μεΧεΒωνω των 
θηρίων δίδοΓ, η δε άντ αυτοΰ τάμνονσα Ιχθύς 
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αύτοίσι τοιαύτη άττοΒεΒεκται* το δ' αν τις των 
θηρίων τούτων άττοκτείντ}, ην μεν εκών, θάνατος 
η ζημίη, ην δε άεκων, άττοτίνει ζημίην την αν οΐ 
Ιρεες τάξωνται. ος δ' αν ιβιν ή ϊρηκα άποκτείνη, 
ην τε εκών ην τε άεκων, τεθνάναι ανάγκη, 

66. ΥΙοΧΧών δε εόντων όμοτρόφων τοΐσι άνθρώ- 
ΤΓΟισι θηρίων ττολλω αν ετί ιτΧεω ε^ίνετο, el 
μη κατελάμβανε τους αΙεΧούρους το^άδε* εττεαν 
τεκωσι αΐ θηλεαι, ούκετι φοιτεουσι τταρα τους 
ερσενας' οΐ δε 8ιζημενοι μίσ^εσθαι αύτγισι ουκ 
εχουσι, προς ων ταύτα σοφίζονται τάδε* αρπά- 
ζοντες απο τών θηλέων καϊ ύπαιρεομενοι τα τέκνα 
κτείνονσι, κτείναντες μεντοι ου πατέονταΐ' at 


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BOOK 11. 65-66 

not a country of many animals. AH of them are 
held sacred ; some of these are part of mens' house- 
holds and some not; but Avere I to declare the 
reason Avhy they are dedicated^ I should be brought 
to speak of matters of divinity, of which I am espe- 
cially unwilling to treat ; I have never touched upon 
sucli save Avhere necessity has compelled me. But J 
will now show liow it is customary to deal Avith the 
animals. Men and Λvomen are appointed guardians 
to provide nourishment for each kind severally ; a 
son inherits this office from his father. ToΛvnsmen in 
each jilace, Avhcn they pay their voavs, make ])rayer 
to the god to Avhom the animal is dedicated, shaving 
the whole or the half or the third part of their 
children's heads, and Λveighing the hair in a balance 
against a sum of silver ; then Λvhatever be the weight 
in silver of the hair is given to the female guardian 
of the ere tures, Avho buys fish Avith it, cuts them 
up and feeds them therewith. Thus is food })ro- 
vided for them. Whoever kills one of these crea- 
tures Λvith intention is punished with death ; if he 
kill by mischance he pays Avhatever penalty the 
})riests ap])oint. Whoever kills an ibis or a hjuvk, 
Avitli intention or Λvithout, nmst die for it. 

6G. There are many household animals ; and there 
would be many more, Avere it not for what happens to 
the cats. W^ien the females have kittened they 
Λνϋΐ not consort Avitli the males ; and these seek them 
but cannot get their will of them ; so their device is 
to steal and carry off and kill the kittens (but they do 
not eat what they have killed). The mothers, 


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δέ στερισκόμβναι των τέκνων^ αΚΧων Se βττιθυ- 
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ταύτα he <yiv6peva irevOea μeyάXa τους Αΐ- 
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ότίοισι δ' αν κυων, ττάν το σώμα /^αΐ την κβφαΧήν» 

67. ^Αττά^ορταί δε οί αΙέΧουροί άττοθανόντβς ές 
Ιρας στέκας, ένθα θάπτονται ταρνχευθ εντες, εν Bof- 
βάστί 7τ6Χί• τας Se κύνας εν ttj εωυτών έκαστοι ττόΧι 
θάτΓτουσι εν Ιρτ}σί θήκτ}σι* ως 8ε αΰτα,^ ττ}σί κυσΐ 
οί Ιγνευται θάπτονται, τας 8ε μυ^αΧζς καΐ τους 
ϊρηκας άπά^ονσι ες ν^ουτουν πόΧιν, τάς δε ϊβις ες 
'Κρμεω πόΧιν* τάς δε άρκτους εούσας σπανίας 
καΐ τους Χυκους ου ποΧΧω τεω εοντας άΧωπεκων 
μεζονας αύτου θάπτουσι ttj αν είιρζθεωσι κείμενοι, 

68. Ύών δε κροκοΒείΧων φύσις εστί τοιηΒε. 
τους 'χ^ειμεριωτάτους μΡ/νας τεσσερας εσθίει ούΒεν, 
εον δε τετράπουν 'χερσαΐον καΐ Χιμναϊον εστί. 
τίκτει μεν yap ωά εν yrj και εκΧεπει, καΐ το 
ποΧΧον της ήμερης Βιατρίβει εν τω ξηρω, την δε 
νύκτα πασαν εν τω ποταμω' θερμότερον yap δ?; 
εστί το ΰ^ωρ τΡ]ς τε αίθρίης καΐ της Βράσου, 
πάντων δε των ημείς Ϊ8μεν θνητών τούτο εξ εΧα- 
γίστου μεyιστov yίveτaι' τά μεν yap ωά χ^ηνεων 
ου ποΧΧώ μεζονα τίκτει, καΐ 6 νεοσσός κατά Xoyov 


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BOOK II. 66-68 

deprived of their young and desiring to have more 
will then consort Λvith the males ; for they are 
creatures that love offspring. And when a fire 
breaks out very strange things happen to the cats. 
The Egyptians stand round in a broken line, thinking 
more of the cats than of quenching the burning ; but 
the cats slip through or leap over the men and spring 
into the fire. When this happens, there is great 
mourning in Egypt. Dwellers in a house where a 
cat has died a natural death shave their eyebrows and 
no more ; where a dog lias so died, the head and the 
whole body are shaven. 

67. Dead cats are taken away into sacred buildings, 
where they are embalmed and buried, in the town of 
Hubastis ; bitches are buried in sacred coffins by the 
townsmen, in their several towns ; and the like is 
done with ichneumons. Shrewmice and hawks are 
taken away to Buto, ibises to the city of Hermes. 
There are but few bears, and the Λvolves are little 
i)igger than foxes ; both these are buried wherever 
they are found lying. 

68. I will now show what kind of creature is the 
crocodile. For the four winter months it eats noth- 
ing. It has four feet, and lives both on land and in 
the water, for it lays eggs and hatches them out on 
land, and it passes the greater part of the day on dry 
ground, and the night in the river, the water being 
warmer than the air and dew. No mortal creature 
known to us grows from so small a beginning to such 
greatness; for its eggs are not much bigger than goose 
eggSj and the young crocodile is of a bigness answering 


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του ωον yu'erai, αύξανομ€νο<ζ δέ yiverai fcal €<? 
βτΓτακαίΒεκα τ^ίχβας και μβζων €τι, e^ei Se 
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κάτω yviWoVy άλλα καϊ τοντο μουνον θηρίων την 
ανω <γνάθον Trpoaayei ttj κάτω, ^X^i• he καϊ 
όνυχας καρτερους καΐ Β€ρμα Χεττι^ωτόν αρρηκτον 
€7τΙ του νώτου. τυφΧον he ev vhaTi, ev he τη 
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hcacTav 7Γθίεύμ€νον^ το στόμα evhoθ€v φοθ€€ί ττάν 
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Χεύμενος ήΒεταί καϊ ούΒεν σίνεται τον τροχίΧον, 

69. Ύοϊσι μεν hrj των Klyυlττίωv Ιροί είσι οί 
κpoκόhεiλoiJ τοίσι δβ ου, αλλ' άτε 7Γθ\εμίου$ 
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\ιμνην οίκεοντες και κάρτα ηyηvτaί αυτούς είναι 
ίρούς' εκ πάντων hε ενα εκ άτε ρο ι τρεφονσι κρο- 
κ6hεί\ov hehihayμεyov είναι χειροτ}θεα, άρτήματά 
τε λίθινα χυτά καϊ χρύσεα ες τα ώτα ενθεντες καϊ 
άμφιhεaς ττερΙ τους εμττροσθίους 7τ6haς, καϊ σιτία 
άτΓοτακτά hιhovτες καϊ ίρψα, καϊ ττεριέττοντες 
ώς κάΧλιστα ζώντας' άττοθανόντας hε θάτττονσι 
ταριχεύοντες εν ίρησι θήκΐ}σι. οι hε ττερϊ Έλβ- 
φαντίνην ττολιν οίκεοντες καϊ εσθίονσι αυτούς ουκ 
ήyεόμεvoL ίρούς είναι» καΧέονται he ον κροκόΒειλοι 


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BOOK II. 68-69 

thereto, hut it grows to a length of seventeen 
cuhits and more. It has eyes Hke pigs' eyes, and 
great teeth and tusks answering to tlie higness of its 
hody. It is the only animal that has no tongue. 
Nor -does it move the IoΛver jaw. It is the only 
creature that brings the upper jaw down upon the 
lower. It has also strong claws, and a scaly impene- 
trable hide on its back. It is blind in the \vater, but 
very keen of sight in the air. Since it lives in the 
water, its mouth is all full within of leeches. All birds 
and beasts flee from it, except only the sandpiper,^ 
with which it is at i)eace, because this bird does the 
crocodile a service ; for whenever the crocodile comes 
ashore out of the Avater and then opens its mouth 
(and this it does for the most part to catch the west 
wind), the sandpiper goes into its mouth and eats 
the leeches ; the crocodile is pleased by this service 
and does the sandpiper no harm. 

69. Some of the Egyptians hold crocodiles sacred^ 
others do not so, but treat them as enenn'es. The 
dwellers about Thebes and the lake Moeris deem 
them to be very sacred. There, in every place one 
crocodile is kept, trained to be tame ; they put orna- 
ments of glass and gold on its ears and bracelets on 
its forefeet, provide for it special food and offerings, 
and give the creatures the best of treatment while 
they live ; after death the crocodiles are embalmed 
and buried in sacred coffins. But about Elephantine 
they are not held sacred, and are even eaten. The 
Egyptians do not call them crocodiles, but champsae. 

^ Kgyptian spur- winged lapwing {ITopJopterus armatus). 


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aWa γ^άμ^αΐ' κροκοΕβίΧους δβ "Ιωζ^βς ωνόμασαν^ 
€ίκάζοντ€ς αυτών τα eiSea τοΐσι τταρα σφίσί yipo- 
μ^νοίσι KpOKoSelXocaL τοίσι iv τΐισι alpaaifjac. 

70. "Aypai Be σφβων ττοΧλαΙ κατβστασι καΐ 
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θηρεντης ττηΧω κατ ων εττΧασε αυτοί) τονς 
ϋφθαΧμονς' τούτο Be ττοιησας κάρτα εύιτετεως τα 
Χοίττα γειρονταΐ) μη ττοοίσας Be τοντο συν ττυνω. 

71. 01 Be ϊττΊΤΟί οι ττοτάμιοι νομω μίν τω 
ΥΙατΓρημίττ] Ιροί είσι^ τοίσι Be άΧΧοισι ΚΙ^γυηττίοισί 
ουκ Ιροί. φύσιν Be τταρεχονταί ΙΒεης τοιηνΒε' 
τετράΐΐουν εστί, ΒίχηΧον, οττΧαΙ βοός, σιμυν, 
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LTTTTOv καΐ φωνήν, με>γαθος όσον τ€ βούς 6 με- 
(γιστος' το Βερμα δ' αυτόν οντω Βη τι τταχύ εστί 
ώστε αΰον γενομένου ξνστά ιτοιεεσθαί ακόντια 
εξ αυτόν. 

72. γίνονται Βε και εννΒριες εν τω ττοταμω, της 
ίρας η'γηνται είναι, νομίζονσι Βε καΐ των Ιγθνων 
τον καΧενμενον ΧεττιΒωτον ιρον είναι και την 
εγχ^εΧνν, ίρονς Βε τοντονς του ΝείΧον φασϊ είναι, 
κάϊ των ορνίθων τονς χηναΧώττεκας. 

73. "Κστι Βε καΐ άΧΧος όρνις ιρος, τω οννομα 
φοίνιξ, εγώ μεν μιν ουκ εΙΒον ει μη όσον <γραφτ^ 
καΐ ykp Βη καΐ σττάνιος εττιφοιτα σφι, Βι ετεων, 


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BOOK II. 69-73 

The lonians called them crocodiles, from their like- 
ness to the lizards which they have in their walls.^ 

70. There are many and various ways of crocodile 
hunting ; I will write only of that one way Λvhich I 
think most worthy of mention : — The hunter baits a 
hook with a chine of pork, and lets it float into the 
midst of the river ; he himself stays on the bank with 
a young live pig, Avhich he beats. Hearing tlie cries 
of the pig^ the crocodile goes after the sound, and 
meets the chine, which it swallows ; then the hunters 
pull the line. When the crocodile is drawn ashore, 
first of all the hunter smears its eyes over with mud ; 
when this is done the quarry is very easily mastered, 
which, Λvithout that, is no light matter. 

71. River horses are sacred in the province of 
Papremis, but not elsewhere in Egypt. For their 
outward form, they are four-footed, Λvith cloven hoofs 
like oxen ; their noses are blunt ; they are maned like 
horses, with tusks showing, and have a horse's tail 
and a horse's neigh ; their bigness is that of the 
biggest oxen. Their hide is so thick that when it is 
dried spearshafts are made of it. 

72. Otters also are found in the river, which the 
Egyptians deem sacred ; and they hold sacred that 
fish too which is called the scale-fish, and the eel. 
These, and the fox-goose ^ among birds, are said to 
be sacred to the god of the Nile. 

73. Another bird also is sacred ; it is called the 
phoenix. 1 myself have never seen it, but only pic- 
tures of it ; for the bird comes but seldom into Egypt, 

^ κροκ65€ΐλο$ is Ionic for a lizard ; the commoner word is 
σαύρα or aavpos. χα/χψα is the Eg3'ptian ** em-siih," a name 
which survives in the Arabic "timsah," i.e. em-suh with the 
feminine article prefixed. 

2 Or " Nile-goose." The Egyptian goose {Chenalopex 


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ως H-XLOTToXiraL Xeyovat, τΓβντακοσίων φοίτάν 
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μενον ες το ίροντου ΉΧίου κομίζειν τον ττατερα εν 
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τω Ιρω, κομίζειν δε οΰτω- ττρώτον της σμύρνης 
ωον ττΧάσσειν όσον τε 8υνατός εστί φερειν, μετά 
8ε ττειράσθαι αυτό φορέοντα, εττεαν 8ε άττοττειρηθΐ], 
οΰτω Βη κοιΧηναντα το ωον τον ττατερα ες αύτο 
εντίθεναι, σμυρνγ δε άΧλτ] εμττΧάσσειν τούτο κατ' 
ο τι του ωού εκκοιΧήνας ενεθηκε τον ττατερα* 
εσ κείμενου δε τού ττατρος ηίνεσθαι τώυτο βάρος* 
εμττΧάσαντα δε κομίζειν μιν εττ* Αΐηύτττου ες τού 
Ήλιου το Ιρόν. ταύτα μεν τούτον τον ορνιν 
Χε<^ουσι ττοιεειν. 

74. ΚίσΙ δε ττερί Θήβας ίροί οφιες, άνθρώττων 
ουδαμώς 8ηΧήμονες, οι με^άθεϊ εόντες μικροί Βύο 
κερεα φορεουσι ττεφυκότα εξ άκρης της κεφαΧής• 
τους θάτττουσι άττοθανόντας εν τω ιρω τού Αιός' 
τούτου yap σφεας τού θεού φασι είναι ίρους, 

75. "Εστί δε χόϊ)ρος της *Αραβίης κατά Βουτούν 
ττόΧιν μαΧιστά κη κείμενος, καΐ ες τούτο το 'χ^ωρίον 
ηΧθον ττυνθανόμενος ττερΙ των τττερωτων οφίων 
άττικόμενος δε ειΒον οστεα οφίων καΐ άκανθας 
ττΧήθεΐ μεν άΒύνατα άττηyήσaσθaι, σωροί δε ήσαν 
άκανθεων και μεyάXoι και υποδεέστεροι καΐ ε'λασ- 
σονες ετι τούτων, ττοΧΧοΙ δε ήσαν ούτοι, εστί δε 
6 χώρος ούτος, εν τω αϊ άκανθαι κατακεχύαται, 

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BOOK II. 73-75 

once in five hundred years^ as the people ot Helio- 
polis say. It is said that the phoenix comes when his 
father dies. If the picture truly shows his size and 
appearance, his plumage is partly golden but mostly 
red. He is most like an eagle in shape and bigness. 
The Egyptians tell a tale of this bird's devices which 
I do Pot believe. He comes, they say, from Arabia 
bringing his father to the Sun's temple enclosed in 
myrrh, and there buries him. His manner of bring- 
ing is this : first he moulds an egg of myrrh as heavy 
as he can carry, and when he has proved its weight 
by lifting it he then hollows out the egg and puts his 
father in it, covering over Avith more myrrh the hollow 
in which the body lies ; so the egg being with his 
father in it of the same Aveight as before, the 
phoenix, after enclosing him, carries him to the 
temple of the Sun in Egypt. Such is the tale of 
what is done by this bird. 

74. Near Thebes there are sacred snakes, harmless 
to men, small in size and bearing two horns on the 
top of their heads. These, when they die, are buried 
in the temple of Zeus, to whom they are said to be 

75. Not far from the to\vn of Buto, there is a 
place in Arabia to Λvhich I went to learn about the 
winged serpents. VVhen I came thither, I saw in- 
numerable bones and backbones of serpents ; many 
heaps of backbones there were, great and small and 
smaller still. This place, where lay the backbones 

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epyov τετιμησθαι Xeyovai ^Αράβίοί /ιεγαλω? π/^ο? 
Αΐ^υτττίων* ομοΧο^εουσί Se καΙ AlyvTTTioi hia 
ταύτα τιμάν τα? όρνιθας ταύτας. 

7G. Είδο9 δε της μεν ϊβιος τόδβ* μέλαινα Βεινώς 
ττασα, σκεΧεα δβ φορεει <yεpάvoυy πρόσωττον Se 
ες τα μάλιστα εττί^ρυττον^ με^αθος όσον κρεξ. 
των μεν Βη μελαινεων των μαχομενεων ττρος τους 
όφις ήΕε Ι^εη, των S* εν ποσΐ μάλλον είλευμενεων 
τοΐσι άνθρώτΓΟίσι (ΒιξαΙ yap Βή βίσι ϊβιες) ^^τιλη 
την κεφαλήν καΐ την Βειρην ττάσαν, λευκή πτεροΐσι 
7Γ\ην κεφαλής καΐ αύχενος καΐ άκρεων των 
7Γτεpvyωv καϊ τού 7Γυyaίoυ άκρου (ταύτα Se τα 
εΙτΓον ττάντα μέλανα εστί 8εινώς)^ σκελεα δε καΐ 
πρόσωπον εμφερης τ?/ ετερη. τού Βε οφιος η 
μορφή οϊη περ των ΰΒρων, πτιλα δε ου πτερωτά 
φορεει άλλα τοΊσι της νυκτερινός πτεροΐσι μά- 
λιστα Κ7} εμφερεστατα, 

Ύοσαύτα μεν Θηρίων περί Ιρων ειρήσθω, 
77. Αύτων δε δί) AlyυπτLωv οι μεν περί την 
σπειρομενην Aϊyυπτov οικεουσι, μνήμην άνθ ρωπων 
πάντων επασκεοντες μάλιστα XoyicoTaTOi είσι 
μακρω των iyco ες Βιάπειραν άπικόμην, τρόπω δε 
ζόηςτοιωΒε Ειαχρεωνταΐ' συρμαίζουσι τρεις ημέρας 
επεξής μηνός εκάστου^ εμετοισι Θηρώμενοι την 
ύytειηv κα\ κλύσμασι^ νομίζοντες άπο των τρε- 

Digitized by Microsoft® 

BOOK II. 75-77 

scattered, is where a narrow mountain pass opens into 
a great plain, which is joined to the plain of Egypt. 
Winged serpents are said to fly at the beginning of 
spring, from Arabia, making for Egypt ; but the ibis 
birds encounter the invaders in this pass and kill 
them. The Arabians say that the ibis is greatly 
honoured by the Egyptians for this service, and the 
Egyptians give the same reason for honouring these 

76. Now this is the appearance of the ibis. It is 
all deep black, with legs like a crane's, and a beak 
strongly hooked ; its size is that of a landrail. Such 
is the outward form of the ibis which fights with the 
serpents. Those that most consort with men (for 
the ibis is of two Jcinds)^ have all the head and neck 
bare of feathers ; their plumage is white, save the 
head and neck and the tips of wings and tail (these 
being deep black) ; the legs and beak of the bird 
are like those of the other ibis. The serpents are 
like water-snakes. Their wings are not feathered 
but most like the wings of a bat. 

I have now said enough concerning creatures that 
are sacred. 

77. Among the Egyptians themselves, those who 
dwell in the cultivated country are the most care- 
ful of all men to preserve the memory of the past, 
and none whom I have questioned have so many 
chronicles. I will now speak of the manner of life 
which they use. For three following days in every 
month they purge themselves, pursuing after health 
by means of emetics and drenches ; for they think 

1 Gerontic"^ Calvwi and Ibis Aethiopica. 

VOL. I. Ο ^ ^ 

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φόρτων σιτίων ττασα? τα? νονσονς τοίσι ανθρώ- 
ΤΓΟίσί 'ylveadaL. elal μεν yap καΐ αλλω? Αΐ^ύτττίοι 
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εξ α\μη<; τεταριχεν μένους, ορνίθων 8ε τους τ€ 
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ή όκόσοι σφι ίροί άττοΒεΒέχαται, τους Χοιττούς 
υπτούς και εφθούς σιτεονται. 

7iS, Ίίν Βε τγσι συνουσίτ)σι τοΐσι εύΒαίμοσι 
αυτών, εττεαν άττο Βείττνου ^ενωνται^ ττεριφερει 
άνηρ νεκρον εν σορω ξύΧινον ττεττοιημενον, μεμιμη- 
μενον ες τα μάλιστα καΐ γραφί) κ αϊ έργω, με^γαθος 
όσον Τ€ ττηχυαΐον ^ η Βίττηχυν, Βεικνύς 8ε εκάστω 
τών συμτΓοτεων \εyει ** Ε<? τούτον ορέων ττΐνε τε 
καΐ τερττευ• εσεαι yap άττοθανων τοιούτος»^ ταύτα 
μεν τταρα τα συμττόσια ττοιεΰσι. 

79. Ιΐατρίοισι Βε χρεωμένοι νομοισι dWov ού- 
Βενα ετΓίκτώνταΐ' τοΐσι άΧλα τε εττάξια εστί νό- 
μιμα, και Βη και αεισμα εν εστί. Αίνος, οσττερ εν τε 
Φοινίκι] άοΙΒιμος εστί καΐ εν Κ^ύιτρω καΐ αλΧτ], κατά 

^ MS8. ηάντγ πηχυαίοι/; Stein brackets ττάρττί, "^ cubit's 
If^iiiitli every way" beiog unintelligible here. 

Digitized by Microsoft® 

BOOK Π. 77-79 

it is from tlie food \vhich they eat that all sick- 
nesses come to men. Even without thiSj the 
Egyptians are the healthiest of all meiij next to 
the Libyans ; the reason of which to my thinking 
is that the climate in all seasons is the same ; for 
change is the great cause of men's falling sick, more 
especially changes of seasons. They eat bread, 
making loaves which they call ^*^cyllestis " ^ of coarse 
grain. For wine, they use a drink made of barley ; 
for they have no vines in their country. They 
eat fish uncooked, either dried in the sun or pre- 
served with brine. Quails and ducks and small birds 
are salted and eaten raw ; all other kinds of birds, 
as Avell as fish (except those that the Egyptians hold 
sacred) are eaten roast and boiled. 

78. At rich men's banquets, after dinner a man 
carries round a wooden image of a corpse in a cofHn, 
painted and carved in exact imitation, a cubit or two 
cubits long. This he shows to each of the company, 
saying '^ Drink and make merry, but look on this ; for 
such shalt thou be Avhen thou art dead." Such is the 
custom at their drinking-bouts. 

79. They keep the ordinances of their fathers, and 
add none others to them. Among other notable 
customs of theirs is this, that they have one song, the 
Linus-song,2 which is sung in Phoenice and Cyprus 

^ Loaves twisted to a point, apparently. 

^ This is the hymn for a slain youth (said to t\'pify the 
departure of early summer), Thammuz, Atys, Hylas, or 
Linus; the Semitic refrain ai lenu^ "alas for us," becomes 
the Greek aihivos^ from which comes the name Linus. 

Digitized by Microsoft <§^ 


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elvai TOP ol 'Έλλ?;ΐ'€9 Χίνον ονομάζοντες άειΒονσι, 
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7Τ€ρΙ AiyviTTOV ιόντων, iv Be Βη καί τον Αίνον 
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τούτον ίί€ΐδοι^τ6ς. εστί Be Αΐ^υπτιστΙ 6 Αίνος 
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Θρήνοισί τούτοίσι νττο Αιγυπτίων τιμηθήναι, και 
aoiBj]v τε ταύτην ττρώτην και μοννην σφίσι 

80. "^υμφβρονται Βε καΐ τόΒε αΧΧο Αΐ^ύιττιοι 
'ΚλΧήνων μουνοισι ΑακεΒαιμονίοισι' οί νεώτεροι 
αυτών τοίσι ττρεσβυτεροισι συντυ^γ^άνοντες 
εϊκουσι τ?}? όοοΰ καϊ εκτράττονται και εττιονσι εξ 
εΒρης νττανιστεαται. τόΒε μεντοι άΧΧοισι Έλ- 
Χήνων ούΒαμοϊσι σνμψερονταΐ' άντι τον ττροσα- 
^ορενειν άΧΧήΧους εν TJjai οΒοΙσι ττροσκννεουσι 
κατιίντε<^ μέχρι του ^ούνατος την χεΐρα. 

81. ^Ε^νΒεΒνκασι Βε κιθώνας Χινεους ττερί τα 
σκεΧεα θυσανωτου^ζ, τους καΧεονσι καΧασιρις' 
εττΐ τούτοίσι Βε είρίνεα εϊματα Χενκα ετταναβΧηΒον 
φορεουσι. ου μεντοι ες <γε τα ιρα εσφερεται elpi- 
νεα ονΒε συ^καταθάτττεταί σφι' ου yap οσιον, 
opoXoyeovai Βε ταύτα τοίσι ^Ορφικοΐσι καΧεομε- 
νοισι καϊ ϋακχικοΐσι^ εούσι Βε AlyυπτL•Oισι καϊ 
Ilυθayoρείoισι' oύBεyap τούτων των opyiwv μετέ- 
χοντα οσιον εστί εν είρινεοισι είμασι θαφθήναι, 
εστί Βε ττερΙ αυτών ίρυς λόγο? Xεyύμεvoς' 

82. ΚαΙ τάΒε άΧΧα AlyυrΓτίoίσι εστί εξευρη- 
μενα, μείς τε καϊ ήμερη εκάστη θLώv οτευ εστί^ 


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BOOK II. 79-82 

and elsewhere ; each nation has a name of its own for 
this, but it is the same song that the Greeks sing^ 
and call Linus ; wherefore it is to me one of the 
many strange things in Egypt, whence the Egyptians 
got the name. Plainly they liave ever sung this song ; 
the name for Linus in Egyptian is Maneros.^ The 
Egyptians told me that Maneros Λvas the only son 
of their first king, who died untimely, and this 
dirge was sung by the Egyptians in his lionour ; 
and this, they said, Avas their earliest and their only 

80. There is a custom too which no Greeks save 
the Lacedaemonians have in common Avith the 
Egyptians : — younger men, when they meet their 
elders, turn aside and give place to them in the way, 
and rise from their seats Λvhen an older man 
approaches. But they have another custom which is 
nowhere known in Greece : passe• :5-by do not address 
each other, but salute by loAvering the hand to the 

81. They wear linen tunin with fringes hanging 
about the legs, called ^' calasiris," and loose white 
woollen mantles over these. But nothing of wool is 
brought into temples, or buried with them ; that is 
forbidden. In this they follow the same rule as the 
ritual called Orphic and Bacchic, but which is in 
truth Egyptian and Pythagorean ; for neither may 
those initiated into these rites be buried in woollen 
wrappings. There is a sacred legend about this. 

82. I pass to other inventions of the Egyptians. 
They assign each month and each day to some god ; 

^ Maneros, probably from the refrain ma-n-hra, 
back to us." 

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/cal TTj βκαστος ήμ^ρυ 'γβνόμβνος ότέοισί €^κυρησει 
fcal 6κω<; τβΧευτησβι και οκοΐο^ τ£9 βσται. καΐ 
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καΐ ην κοτ€ ύστερον τταραττΧησιον τούτω ^ένηται, 
κατά τωυτο νομίζουσι άττοβησεσθαι* 

83. yiavTiKT) he αϋτοίσι ώΒε Βίακέβταί' ανθρώ- 
πων μεν ού8ενΙ ττροσκέεται ή τέχνη, των Βε θεών 
μετεξετεροισι' κα\ yap ΗρακΧέος μαντήιον αυτόθι 
εστί KaV ΑττόΧλωνος καΥ Κθηναίης και ^Αρτεμώος 
καΐ *'Αρεος κα\ Αίός, καϊ τό ye μάΧιστα εν τιμτ) 
ayovTai ττάντων τών μαντηίων, Αητους εν Έοντοι 
ττόΧι εστί» ου μέντοι αϊ yε μαντηίαί σφι, κατά 
τώυτο εστάσί, άΧΧά Βίάφοροι είσί. 

84. Ή Βε Ιητρικη κατά τάδε σφι ΒεΒασται' 
μιης νούσου έκαστος ίητρός εστί καϊ ου ττΧεόνων, 
ττάντα δ* Ιητρών εστί ττΧεα' ot μεν yap οζ^θαΧμών 
ΙητροΧ κατεστάσι, οι Βε κεφαΧής, ot Βε οΒόντων, οΐ 
Βε τών κατά νηΒύν, οι Βε τών άφανέων νούσων. 

85. θρήνοι Βε καϊ ταφαί σφεων είσϊ αϊΒε' τοΐσι 
αν άπoyεvητac εκ τών οΐκίων άνθρωττος του τις 
καϊ Xoyo^ y, το θηΧυ ykvo^ ττάν το εκ τών οΙκίων 
τούτων κατ ων εττΧασατο την κεφαΧην ττηΧώ ή 
κα\ το ττρόσωτΓον, κάττειτα εν τοΐσι οικίοισι Χι- 
ττουσαι τον νεκρον αύταΙ ανά την ττόΧιν στρωφώ- 
μεναι τύτττονται εττεζωσμεναι καϊ φαίνουσαι τους 
μαζούς, συν Βε σφι αΐ ττροσηκουσαι ττασαι, ετερω- 
θεν Βε οί άνΒρες, τύτττονται εττεζωμένοι καϊ ούτοι, 
εττεάν Βε ταύτα ττοιησωσι, οϋτω ες την ταρίχενσιν 


Digitized by l\/licrosoft ® 

BOOK Π. 82-85 

they can tell what fortune and what end and what 
disposition a man shall have according to the day of 
his birth. This has given material to Greeks Avho deal 
in poetry. They have made themselves more omens 
than all other nations together ; Avhen an ominous 
thing happens they take note of the outcome and 
write it down ; and if something of a like kind 
happen again they think it will liave a like result. 

83. As to the art of divination among them, it 
belongs to some of the gods, but to no one among 
men ; there are in their country oracles of Heracles, 
Apollo, Athene, Artemis, Ares, and Zeus, and (which 
is the most honoured of all) of Leto in the town of 
Buto. Nevertheless they have diverse Λvays of divin- 
ation, not one only. 

84. The practice of medicine is so divided among 
them, that each physician is a healer of one disease 
and no more. All the country is full of physicians, 
some of the eye, some of the teeth, some of what 
pertains to the belly, and some of the hidden diseases. 

85. They mourn and bury the dead as I will show. 
Whenever a man of note is lost to his house by death, 
all the womenkind of the house daub their faces or 
heads Avith mud; then, with all the Avomen of their 
kin, they leave the corpse in the house, and roam 
about the city lamenting, with their garments girt 
round them and their breasts showing ; and the men 
too lament in their place, with garments girt likeAvise. 
When this is done, they take the dead body to be 

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μήκοντα, Χούσαντες τον νεκρον κατειΧίσσουσι ττάν 
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τετ μη μενοισ Li ύττο-χρίοντες τω κόμμι, τω Βη άντϊ 
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δέ τταραΒεξάμενοί μιν οΐ προσήκοντες ττοιεΰνται 
ξύΧινον τχπΓον άνθρωποειΒία, ττοιησάμενοι Βε 

* MSS. appear to show indications of a lacuna here. 

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S6. There are men whose whole business this is 
and wlio have this special craft. These, when a dead 
body is brought to them, show the bringers Avooden 
models of corpses, painted in exact imitation ; the 
most perfect manner of embalming belongs, they say, 
to One whose name it were profane for me to speak 
in treating of such matters ; the second way, which 
they show, is less perfect than the first, and cheaper, 
and the third is the least costly of all. Having 
shown these, they ask the bringers of the body in 
which fashion they desire to have it prepared. The 
bearers, having agreed in a price, go their >vays, and 
the workmen, left behind in their place, embalm the 
body. If they do this in the most perfect way, they 
first draw out part of the brain through the nostrils 
with an iron hook, and inject certain drugs into the 
rest. Then, making a cut near the flank with a 
sharp knife of Ethiopian stone, they take out all the 
intestines, and clean the belly, rinsing it with palm 
wine and bruised spices ; and presently, filfing the 
belly with pure ground myrrh and casia and any 
other spices, save only frankincense, they sew up the 
anus. Having done this, they conceal the body for 
seventy days, embalmed in saltpetre ; no longer time 
is allowed for the embalming ; and when the seventy 
days are past they wash the body and wrap the whole 
of it in bandages of fine linen cloth, anointed with gum, 
which the Egyptians mostly use instead of glue ; 
which done, they give back the dead man to his friends. 
These make a hollow wooden figure like a man, in 


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iaepyvdaL τον ve/cpov, και κατακ\ηίσαντ€<; ούτω 
θησανρίζονσι iv οίκηματί θηκαιω, Ιστάντβς ορθόν 
ττρό? τοΐ'χον. 

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ται του νεκρού το 8ερμα μούνον καϊ τα οστεα. 
βττεαν δε ταύτα ττοιήσωσι, άττ ων εΒωκαν ούτω 
τον νεκρόν, ού^εν ετί ττρη^ματευθεντες. 

88. Ή δβ τρίτη ταρίχευα υς εστί //δβ, ή τους 
χρημασι ασθενέστερους σκευάζει' συρμαίτ} Βιηβη- 
σαντες την κοιΧίην ταριγεύονσι τας εβ^ομήκοντα 
ημέρας καϊ έπειτα αττ ων εΒωκαν άττοφερεσθαί. 

89. Ύας 8ε 'γυναίκας των εττιφανεων άν8ρών^ 
εττεαν τ6Χευτ7]σωσί^ ου τταραντίκα 8ί8ούσί ταρι- 
γεΰειν, ού8\ οσαι αν εωσι εύειΒεες κάρτα καϊ Xόyoυ 
ττΧεύνος γυναίκες' άΧΧ εττεαν τριταΐαυ η τεταρ- 
ταΐαι ^γένωνταί^ ούτω τταραΒιΒούσί τοίσι ταρι- 
νευουσι. τούτο 8ε ττοιεύσι ούτω τού8ε εΧνεκεν^ 'ίνα 
μη σφι 0L ταριγευται μισηωνται τησι ηυναιξι 
Χαμφθ7]ναι ηάρ Tivct φασί μισ'γόμενον ν€κρω 
ττροσφάίφ ^γυναικός, κατειπείν 8k τον όμότεγνον. 


Digitized by Microsoft® 

BOOK IL 86-89 

which they enclose the corpse, shut it up, and pre- 
serve it safe in a coiiin-chamber, placed erect against 
a wall, 

87. This is how they prepare the dead who 
have Avished for the most costly fashion ^ ; those 
whose wish Avas for the middle and less costly 
way are prepared in another fashion. The em- 
balmers charge their syringes with cedar oil and 
therewith fill the belly of the dead man, making no 
cut, nor removing the intestines, but injecting the 
drench through the anus and checking it from 
returning; then they embalm the body for the 
appointed days ; on the last day they let the oil which 
they poured in pass out again. It has so great power 
that it brings away the inner parts and intestines all 
dissolved ; the flesh is eaten away by the salti)ctre, 
and in the end nothing is left of the body but 
skin and bone. Then the embalmers give back the 
dead body with no more ado. 

88. When they use the third manner of embalming, 
which is the preparation of the poorer dead, they 
cleanse the belly Λ\ith a purge, embalm the body for 
the seventy days and then give it back to be taken 

89. Wives of notable men, and women of great 
beauty and reputation, are not at once given over to 
the embalmers, but only after they have been dead 
for three or four daj^s ; this is done, that the 
embahners may not have carnal intercourse Λvith 
them. For it is said that one was found having 
intercourse with a Avoman newly dead, and was 
denounced by his fellow-workman. 

^ Tovs ra ττολυτίλβ'στατα, 8C. βουλομ^νονς. 


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Κΐ^νπτίων των αΧΧων άηώνα ^υμνικον τιθεντβς, 


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BOOK II. 90^91 

90. Wlien anyone, be he E^ypti.'in or stranf^er^ is 
known to hiive been carried oil' by a crocodile or 
drowned by the river itself, such an one must by all 
means be embalmed and tended as fairly as may be 
and buried in a sacred coffin by the townsmen of the 
piace where he is cast up ; nor may any of his kins- 
folk or his friends touch him, but his body is deemed 
something more than human, and is liandled and 
buried by the priests of the Nile themselves. 

91. The Egyptians shun tlie use of Greek customs, 
and (to speak generally) the customs of any other 
men whatever. Yet, though the rest are careful of 
this, there is a great city called Chemmis, in the 
Theban province, near the New City ; in this city is 
a square temple of Perseus son of Danae, in a grove 
of palm trees. The colonnade before this tem])le is 
of stone, very great ; and there stand at the entrance 
two great stone statues. In this outer court there is 
a shrine with an image of Perseus standing in it. 
The pe()j)le of this Chennnis say that Perseus is often 
seen uj) and down this land, and often within the 
temple, and that tlie sandal he wears is found, and it 
is two cubits long ; when that is seen, all Egypt 
prospers. This is what they say ; and their doings in 
honour of Perseus are Greek, in that they celebrate 
games comprising every form of contest, and offer 
animals and cloaks and skins as prizes. When I 
asked wliy Perseus appeared to them alone, and why, 
unlike all other Egyptians, they celebrate games, 


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οίκεοντες K.lyύ'πτιoL• νομίζουσΐ' οί Βε Βη εν τοΐσι 
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καΐ αυα, την Βε βύβΧον την εττετειον yιvoμεvηv 


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BOOK II. 91-92 

they told me tliat Perseus was by lineage of their 
city ; for Danaus and Lynceus^ who voyaged to Greece, 
were of Chemmis ; and they traced descent from 
these down to Perseus. They told too Ιιολυ when he 
came to Egy])t for the reason alleged also by the 
Greeks — namely, to bring the Gorgon's head from 
Libya — he came to Chemmis too and recognised all 
his kin ; and hoΛv before he came to Egypt he had 
heard the name of Chemmis from his mother. It was 
at his bidding, said they, that they celebrated the 

92. All these are the customs of Egyptians who 
dwell above tlie marsh country. Those who inhabit 
the marshes have the same customs as the rest, both 
in other respects, and in that each man has one wife^ 
as in Greece. They have, besides, devised means to 
make their food less costly. When the river is in 
flood and overflows the plains, many lilies, which the 
Egyptians call lotus, grow in the water. They pluck 
these and dry them in the sun, then they crush the 
poppy-like centre of the plant and bake loaves of it. 
The root also of this lotus is eatable, and of a sweetish 
taste ; it is round, and of the bigness of an apple. 
Other lilies also groΛv in the river, Λvhich are like 
roses ; the fruit of these is found in a calyx springing 
from the root by a separate stalk, and is most like to 
a comb made by wasps ; this produces many eatable 
seeds as big as an olive-stone, Λvhich are eaten both 
fresh and dried. They use also the byblus which 


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ες ΘάΧασσαν, καΐ άναττΧώοντες οττίσω της αυτής 

^ ^ -ein brackets καΐ ιτωΚ(ονσι^ as being inappropriate ; it 
should perhaps come after τράττουσι above. 


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BOOK II. 92-93 

grows annually: it is plucked from the marshes, the 
top of it cut off and turned to other ends, and the 
lower part, about a cubit's length, eaten or sold. 
Those who wish to use the byblus at its very best 
bake it before eating in a redhot oven. Some live 
on fish alone. They catch the fish, take out the 
intestines, then dry them in the sun and eat them 

93. Fish that go in shoals do not often come to 
birth in the river ; they are reared in the lakes, and 
this is the way with them : when the desire of 
spawning comes on them, they swim out to sea in 
shoals, the males leading, and throwing out their 
seed, while the females come after and swallow it 
and so conceive. When the females have become 
pregnant in the sea, then all the fish swim back to 
their homes ; but now it is the females and not the 
males who lead the way, going before in a shoal, and 
(like the males) throwing off ever and anon a few of 
their eggs (which are like millet-seeds), which the 
males devour as they follow. These millet-seeds, or 
eggs, are fish. It is from the surviving eggs, which 
are not devoured, that the fish which grow come to 
the birth. Those fish that are caught while swim- 
ming seawards show bruises on the left side of their 
heads ; those that are caught returning, on the right 
side. This happens to them because as they swim 
seawards they keep close to the left bank, and hold 


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οίκεοντες αττο των σιΧΧίκνττ ριων τον καρττον, το 
καΧενσι μεν Αΐ^ντττιοί κίκί, ττοιενσι δε ώδε. 
τταρα τα χείΧεα των τε ττοταμών καΐ των Χιμνεων 
σττειρονσυ τα σιΧΧικνττρία ταντα, τα εν ' ΈιΧΧησι 
αυτόματα aypta φύεται' ταντα εν ττ) ΚΙ^ντττω 
σττειρόμενα καρττον φερεί ττοΧΧον μεν 8νσώ8εα 8έ• 
τοντον εττεαν σνΧΧεξωνταί, οΐ μεν κόψαντες άττι- 
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άττορρεον άττ* αντον avy κομίζονται, εστί δε ττίον 
καϊ ον8εν ησσον τον εΧαίον τω Χύχνω ττροσηνες, 
68 μην δε βαρεαν τταρεχεται, 

95. Π^ος• δε του<ζ κώνωττας άφθόνονς εόντας 
τάδε σφί, εστί με μηχανή μένα, τονς μεν τα άνω 
των εΧεων οίκεοντας οΐ ττύρηοι ώφεΧεονσι, ες τονς 
άναβαίνοντες κοιμώνται• οι yap κώνωττες νττο 
των άνεμων ονκ οΙοί τε είσϊ νψον ττετεσθαι, τοΐο'ΐ 

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BOOK II. 93-95 

to the same bank also in their return, grazing it and 
touching it as much as they may, I suppose lest the 
current should make them miss their course. When 
the Nile begins to rise, hollow and marshy places 
near the river are the first to begin to fill, the water 
trickling through from the river, and as soon as they 
are flooded they are suddenly full of little fishes. 
Whence it is like that these come into being I 
believe that I can guess. When the Nile falls, the 
fish have spawned into the mud before they leave it 
with the last of the water ; and as the time comes 
round, and in the next year the flood comes again, 
this spawn at once gives birth to these fishes. 

94. So much then for the fishes. The Egyptians 
who live about the marshes use an oil drawn from the 
castor-berry, which they call kiki. They sow this 
plant on the banks of the rivers and lakes ; it grows 
wild in Hellas ; in Egypt it produces abundant but 
ill-smelling fruit, which is gathered, and either 
bruised and pressed, or boiled after roasting, and the 
liquid that comes from it collected. This is thick 
and as useful as oil for lamps, and gives off a strong 

95. Gnats are abundant ; this is how the Egyptians 
protect themselves against them : those who dwell 
higher up than the marshy country are well served 
by the toAvers Avhither they ascend to sleep, for the 
winds prevent the gnats from flying aloft ; those 


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δε irepl τα i\ea οΐκίουσι τάδε άντΙ των ττύρ^ων 
άΧΚα μβμηγ^άνηταί• ττα'ζ άνηρ αυτών άμφίβΧη- 
στρον €κτηταί, τω της μίν ημέρης ιχθύς a>ypeveij 
την δε νύκτα Tahe αντω χράταΐ' iv ττ} άνατταύεται 
κοίτη, rrepi ταντην ϊστησι το άμφίβΧηστρον κα\ 
εττείτα €νΒνς ύττ* αντο KaTCvSei. οΐ δε κώνωττζς^ 
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δίά τούτων Βάκνονσι^ Βια δε του Βικτύον ovBe 
ττειρώνται αρχήν, 

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€στΙ €Κ της άκανθης ττοιεύμενα^ της ή μορφή μβν 
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τα ττΧοΊα άνα μεν τον ττοταμον ου Βύναται ττΧββιν^ 
ην μη Χαμττρος άνεμος iTrexij, iK 'γης δε τταρ- 
έΧκβται, κατά ρόον δε κομίζεται ώδε* ίστι iK 
μυρίκης ττεττοιημενη θύρη, κατερραμμενη ρίττεϊ 
καΧάμων-^ καΐ Χίθος τετρημενος ΒιτάΧαντος μά- 
Χιστά ΚΎ) σταθμόν τούτων την μεν θύρην δεδε- 
μενην κάΧω εμττροσθε τού ττΧοίου άττιεΐ iiri- 
φερεσθαι, τον Βε Χίθον άΧΧω κάΧω οττισθε. η 
μεν Βη θύρη του ρόου εμπίπτοντος χωρεει ταχέως 
καΐ εΧκει την βαριν (τούτο yap Βη οΰνομα εστί 

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BOOK II. 95-96 

living about the marshes have a different device, 
instead of the towers. Kvery man of them has a net, 
with which he catches fish by day, and for the night 
he sets it round the bed where he rests, then creeps 
under it and so sleeps. If he sleep wrap})ed in a 
garment or cloth, the gnats bite through it ; but 
through the net they do not even try at all to 

96. The boats in which they carry cargo are made 
of the acacia,! which is in form most like to the lotus 
of Cyrene, and its sap is gum. Of this tree they cut 
logs of two cubits length and lay them like courses 
of bricks,'-^ and build the boat by making these two- 
cubit logs fast to long and close-set stakes ; and 
having so built tliey set crossbeams athwart and on 
the logs. They use no ribs. They caulk the seams 
within with by])lus. There is one rudder, passing 
through a hole in the boat's keel. The mast is of 
acacia-wood and the sails of byblus. These boats 
cannot move upstream unless a brisk breeze con- 
tinue; they are towed from the bank; but down- 
stream they are thus managed : they have a raft 
made of tamarisk wood, fastened together with 
matting of r-eeds, and a pierced stone of about two 
talents' weight ; the raft is let go to float down ahead 
of the boat, made fast to it by a rope, and the stone 
is made fast also by a rope to the after part of the 
boat. So, driven by the current, the raft floats 
swiftly and tows the " baris " (which is the name of 

^ The ** Mimosa Nilotica," still used for boat-building in 


'^ That is, like bricks laid not one directly over another 
but with the joints alternating : ' . ' ' . 


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τοΐσί πΧοίοισι τούτοίσι), 6 δε \ίθο<; οπίσθε 
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τΓολλά, καΐ ayei evia ττοΧΧάς χιλιάΒας ταΧάντων. 

97. Έπεαϊ^ δέ βπεΧθτ] ο ΝεΖλος την χώρην, αί 
πόΧίβς μονναί φαίνονται υττερίγρυσαί^ μάΧιστά 
ΚΎ) €μφ€ρ€€ς τ^σι iv τω Αΐ<γαίω ττόντω νησοισι* 
τα μ€ν yap αΧΧα τή<; Αΐ^ύτττου ττελαγο? yiveTai, 
αΐ δε ττόλιες μούναι υττερίγ^ουσι, ττορθμβύονται 
ών^ iireav τούτο γει^τ/ταί, ονκίτί κατά τα peeOpa 
του ΤΓΟταμοϋ άΧΧα δία μίσου του ττεδ/ον . ες μ^ν 
γε Μίμφίν εκ ^ανκράτιο^ άναττΧώοντν τταρ αύτας 
τά^ζ ττυραμίΒας γίνεται 6 ττλόο?• εστί δε ούδ* οίτο?, 
άΧΧα παρά το οξύ του Δε'λτα καΐ παρά Κερκά- 
σωρον πόΧιν* ες δε Ναύκρατίν άπο θαΧάσσης καΐ 
Κ,ανώβου δίά πεΒίον πΧεων ηξεις κατ "ΑνθυΧΧάν 
τε ποΧιν καΐ την ΆρχάνΒρου καΧευμενην. 

98. Ύουτεων δε η μεν^'ΑνθνΧΧα εουσα Χο^ίμη 
πόΧις ε? νποΒηματα εξαίρετος BiSoTat τον αΐεΐ 
βασιΧεύοντος Αΐ^ύπτου τγ yvvaiKi (τούτο δε 
γίνεται εξ όσου υπο Ώερστ^σί εστί Αΐγνπτο?), η 
δε ετέρη πόΧις Βοκέει μοι το οΰνομα εγειν άπο 
του Δαναού γαμβρού ^ΑρχάνΒρου του Φθίου του 
ΆχαιοΟ• καΧεεται yap 8η ^Αρχ^άνΒρου πόΧίς. εϊη 
δ' αν καΐ αΧΧος τις "Αρ)(αν8ρος, ου μέντοί yε 
Alyύπτιov το οΰνομα. 

99. Μεχ/3£ μεν τούτου οψις τε ε μη καΐ yvώμη 
καϊ Ιστοριη ταύτα Xεyoυσa εστί, το δε άπο τούΒε 
Alyυπτίoυς έρχομαι X6yoυς ερεων κατά τα ηκουον* 
προσεσται δε αύτοΐσί τι καΐ της εμής οψιος. 
Μίνα τον πρώτον βασιΧεύσαντα Alyvπτoυ οΐ 


Digitized by Microsoft® 

BOOK II. 96-99 

these boatSj) and the stone dragging behind on the 
river bottom keeps the boat's course straight. There 
are many of these boats ; some are of many thousand 
talents' burden. 

97. When the Nile overflows the land^ the toAvns 
alone are seen high and dry above the water, very 
like to the islands in the Aegean sea. These alone 
stand out, the rest of Egypt being a sheet of water. 
So Λvhen this happens folk are ferried not, as is their 
Avont, in the course of the stream, but clean over the 
plain. From Naucratis indeed to Memphis the boat 
going upwards passes close by the pyramids them- 
selves ; ^ the usual course is not this, but by the 
Delta's point and the town Cercasorus : but your 
voyage from the sea and Canobus to Naucratis will 
take you over the plain near the town of Anthylla 
and that which is called Archandrus' town. 

98. Anthylla is a town of some name, and is 
specially assigned to the consort of the reigning king 
of Egypt, for the provision of her shoes. This has 
been done since Egypt has been under Persian 
dominion. The other town, I think, is named after 
Archandrus son of Phthius the Achaean, and son-in- 
law of Danaus ; for it is called Archandrus' town. 
It may be that there was another Archandrus ; but 
the name is not Egyptian. 

99. Thus far all I have said is the outcome of my 
own sight and judgment and inquiry. Henceforth 
I will record Egyptian chronicles, according to that 
Λvhich I have heard, adding thereto somewhat of 
what I myself have seen. The priests told me that 
Min was the first king of Egypt, and that first he 

^ The meaning of these words is not clear. Some think 
that they mean "though here the course is not so" and 
that perhaps 6 iwOws has been lost after oZtos. 


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/pee? eXeyov τούτο μβν άττο^βφνρωσαι την Me//,- 
φιν. τον yap ττοταμον ττάντα peeiv τταρα το ορο^ 
το Λίτάμμινον προς Αίβνη^;, τον Be ΛΙΖι^α άνωθεν, 
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τού Ηφαίστου το ιρον ΙΒρύσασθαι εν αύττ), εον 
μkya τε καΐ άξιaπηyητότaτov, 

100. MeTa 8e τούτον κaτέ\εyov οΐ Ιρεες 
εκ βύβΧου αΧΧων βασιΧεων τριηκοσίων καΐ 
τριήκοντα ούνόματα. εν τοσαύτγσι Βε yεvεfjσι 
άνθρώττων οκτωκαίΒεκα μεν Αιθίοπες ήσαν, 
μία Se yυvη επιγ^ωρίη, οι Βε άΧΧοι άνΒρες 
AlyUTTTLOi. ττ) Se yυvaικl οΰνομα ην, ήτις 
εβασίΧευσε^ το περ τη Ί^αβυΧωνίτ], 'Νίτωκρις* 
την εXεyov τιμωρεουσαν άΒεΧφεω, τον Alyύ- 
πτιοι βασιΧεύοντα σφεων άπεκτειναν, άπο- 
κτείναντες Βε ούτω εκείνη άπεΒοσαν την βα- 
σιΧηίην, τούτω τιμωρεουσαν ποΧΧούς Alyυπτίωv 

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BOOK II. 99-100 

separated Memphis from the Nile by a dam. All the 
river had flowed close under the sandy mountains on 
the Libyan side^ but Min made the southern bend 
of it which begins about an hundred furlongs above 
Memphis^ by damming the stream ; thereby he dried 
up the ancient course, and carried the river by a 
channel so that it floΛved midway between the hills. 
And to this day the Persians keep careful guard over 
this bend of the river, strengthening its dam every 
year, that it may keep the current in ; for were the 
Nile to burst his dykes and overflow here^ all Memphis 
were in danger of drowning. Then, when this first 
king Min had made what he thus cut off to be dry 
land, he first founded in it that city which is now 
called Memphis — for even Memphis lies in the narrow 
part of Egypt — and outside of it he dug a lake to its 
north and west, from the river (the Nile itself being 
the eastern boundary of the place); and secondly, he 
built in it the great and most noteworthy temple of 

100. After him came three hundred and thirty 
kings, whose names the priests recited from a papyrus 
roll. In all these many generations there were 
eighteen Ethiopian kings, and one queen, native to 
the country ; the rest were all Egyptian men. The 
name of the queen was the same as that of the 
Babylonian princess, Nitocris. She, to avenge her 
brother (he was king of Egypt and was slain by his 
subjects, who then gave Nitocris the sovereignty) put 

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Ζιαφθείραι δόλω, ττοίησαμενην yap μίν οϊκημα 
ΤΓβρίμηκες viroyatov tcaivovv τφ λόγω, νόω Be άΧλα 
μηχανασθαί' κάλέσασαρ Βέ μιν ΑΙ^νητίων τους 
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i^ipyaaTOy ρίψαί ές οϊκημα σττοΒον ττΧέον, οκως 
ατιμώρητος yevητaι, 

101, Των Be αΧλων βασιλέων ου yap eXeyov 
ούΒεμίαν epyωv αττόδε^ίϊ^ και ούΒβν elvai Χαμττρό- 
τητος, ττΧην ίνος τον έσχατου αυτών Ήίοίριος* 
τούτον Be άτΓοΒύξασθαι μνημόσυνα τον 'ΙΙφαίστον 
τα ττρος βορέην άνβμον τeτpaμμeva ΤΓροττνλαια, 
Χίμνην τ€ ορύξαι, της η ττερίοΒος όσων ίστϊ 
σταΒίων νστ€ρον ΒηΧώσω^ ττυραμίΒας τε iv αύττ} 
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102. ΤΙαραμ€ΐψάμ€νος ων τούτους του €πΙ τού- 
τοισι yevoμevoυ βασιΧάος, τω οΰνομα ην Χέσω- 
στρίς, τούτον μνήμην ττοΐήσομαι* τον k^eyov οι 
Ipee^ Ίτρώτον μΙν ττΧοίοισι μακροίσι ορμηθίντα 
ifc τον ^ΑραβΙου κόΧττον τους τταρα την ^Κρυθρην 
θάλασσαν κατοικημένους καταστρέφ€σθαι, ές ο 
irXeovTa μιν ττρόσω άττικέσθαι ές θάλασσαν ούκέτι 
ττλωτην νττο βραχέων, ivOedTev Be ως οττίσω 
άττίκβτο €ς AiyvTrTOv, κατά των Ιρέων την φάτιν, 
ΤΓολΧην στρατιην των . . ^ λαβών ηλαυν€ Βια της 
ή^ιρου^ τταν 'έθνος το ίμττοΒών κaτaστpeφόμevoς. 

^ Α word is omitted, perhaps ^ρχ^ν ] twv ^ρχ^ν =.οί his 


Digitized by Microsoft® 

BOOK Π. I00-I03 

many of the Egyptians to death by guile. She built 
a spacious underground chamber; then, with the 
pretence of handselling it, but with far other intent 
in her mind, she gave a great feast, inviting to it 
those Egyptians \vhom she knew to have been most 
concerned in her brother's murder ; and >vhile they 
feasted she let the nver in upon them by a great 
and secret channel. This was all that the priests 
told of her, save that also when she had done this 
she cast herself into a chamber full of hot ashes^ 
thereby to escape vengeance. 

101. But of the other kings they related no 
acliievement or deed of great note, save of JMoeris, 
\vho Avas the last of them. This Moeris was remem- 
bered as having built the northern forecourt of the 
temple of Hephaestus, and dug a lake, of as many 
furlongs in circuit as I shall later show ; and built 
there pyramids also, the size of which I will mention 
when I speak of the lake. All this Λvas Moeris' 
work, they said ; of none of the rest had they any- 
thing to record. 

102. Passing over these, therefore, I Avill now 
speak of the king who came after tliem, Sesostris.^ 
This king, said the priests, set out Λvith a fleet of long 
ships 2 from the Arabian Gulf and subdued all the 
dwellers by the Red Sea, till as he sailed on he came 
to a sea which was too shallow for his vessels. After 
returning thence back to Egypt, he gathered a great 
army (according to the story of the priests) and 
marched over the mainland, subduing every nation to 

* Rameses II., called bj the Greeks Sesostris ; said to 
have ruled in the fourteenth century B.C. 
« Ships of war. 

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οτέοισι μέν νυν αυτών άΧκίμοίσι ivervjxave καΐ 
Ββίνώ^ ηΧΐ'χ^ομίνοισί ττερί της έΧευθβρίης, τούτοισυ 
μ€ν στήΧας ίνίστη €9 τά? -χ^ωρας hta αγραμμάτων 
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κατά ταύτα καϊ τοίσι άνΒρηίοισι των έθνύων ye- 
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103. Ύαΰτα Sk ττοιέων 8ί€ξηΐ€ την ηττειρον, €ς 
ο €Κ της ^Ασίης €ς την Έ^υρώττην Βιαβας τους τ€ 
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φαίνονται σταθεΐσαι αί στήΧαί, το Se ττροσωτέρω 
τούτων ονκύτί. evOemev Be εττιστρύψας οπίσω 
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βασιΧεύς Έ^εσωστρος άττοΒασάμενος της εωντον 
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ιτΧάνΎ] αύτον άχθεσθεντες ττερί Φάσιν ττοταμον 

104. Φαίνονται μίν yap εόντες οι ΚόΧχοι ΑΙ- 
ηύτττιοι, νοησας Βε ττροτερον αύτος ή άκουσας 
άΧΧων Xεyω, ως Βέ μοι εν φροντίΒι iyiveTO, 
είρομην αμφότερους, καϊ μάΧΧον οί ΚόΧχοι εμε- 
βνεατο των Aiyυ7ττίωv ή οί Alyύτ'TLoι των 
Ι^όΧχων* νομίζειν δ' εφασαν οί Alyύ^ττLOL• της 
"Ζεσώστριος στρατίής είναι τους ΚόΧχονς. αύτος 


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BOOK II. 102-104 

which he came. When those that he met were 
valiant men and strove hard for freedom, he set up 
pillars in their land whereon the inscription showed 
his own name and his country's, and how he had 
overcome tliem with his own power ; but when the 
cities had made no resistance and been easily taken, 
then he put an inscription on the pillars even as he 
had done where the nations were brave ; but he drew 
also on them the privy parts of a Λvoman, wishing to 
show clearly that the people were cowardly. 

103. Thus doing he marched over the country till 
he had passed over from Asia to Europe and sub- 
dued the Scythians and Thracians. Thus far and 
no farther, I think, the Egyptian army went ; for 
the pillars can be seen standing in their country, but 
in none beyond it. Thence he turned about and went 
back homewards ; and Λvhen he came to the Phasis 
river, it may be (for I cannot speak with exact know- 
ledge) that King Sesostris divided off some part of his 
army and left it there to dwell in the country, or it 
may be that some of his soldiers grew weary of his 
wanderings, and stayed by the Phasis. ^ 

104. For it is plain to see that the Colchians are j 
Egyptians ; and this that I say I myself noted before 
I heard it from others. When 1 began to think on 
this matter, I inquired of both peoples ; and the 
Colchians remembered the Egyptians better than 
the Egyptians remembered the Colchians ; tlie 
Egyptians said that they held the Colchians to be 
part of Sesostris' army. I myself guessed it to be 


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οκόσοι ττ) Έλλάδί επιμίσyovτaly ούκετι Alyυ- 
πτίους μιμεονται κατά τά αι8οΐα, άΧλά των επι- 
yιvoμevωv ου περιτάμνουσι τά αι8οΐα. 

105. Φέρε νυν καϊ άΧλο εϊπω περί τών Κ.όΧ'χων^ 
ώς Alyυπτιoισι προσφερεες εισι* \ivov μουνοι 
ουτοί τ€ καϊ Aιyvπτιoι εpyάζovτaι καϊ κατά 
Taifray καϊ η ζόη πάσα καϊ η y\ώσσa εμφερής 
εστί άΧΧήΧοισι, Χίνον 8ε το μεν Κ,οΧχικον υπο 
'ΈίΧΧήνων Έ^αρ8ωνικον κίκΧηται, το μέντοι άπ^ 
Aιyύπτov άπικνεύμενον καΧεεται Alyυπτιov» 

106. At 8ε στήΧαι τάς ιστα κατά τάς χώρας 
6 Aιyύπτoυ βασιΧεύς Ιίεσωστρις, αϊ μεν πΧεΰνες 


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BOOK II. 104-106 

so, partlj^ because thej axe. dark-skinned and woolly- 
h ai reSlthpugh that indeed goes for nothing, seeing 
Etnrt other peoples, too, are such; but my better 
proof was that the Colchians and Egyptians and 
Ethiopians are the only nations that have from the 
first practised circumcision. The Phoenicians and'^ 
the Syrians of Palestine acknowledge of themselves 
that they learnt the custom from the Egyptians, and \ 
the Syrians of the valleys of the Thermodon and \ 
the Parthenius, as well as their neighbours the Ma- | 
crones, say that they learnt it lately from the 
Colchians. These are the only nations that circum- 
cise, and it is seen that they do even as the | 
Egyptians. But as to the Egyptians and Ethiopians 
themselves, I cannot say which nation learnt it from 
the other ; for it is manifestly a very ancient custom. 
That the others learnt it from intercourse \vith 
Egypt I hold to be clearly proved by this — that 
Phoenicians who hold intercourse with Hellas cease 
to imitate the Egyptians in this matter and do not 
circumcise their children. 

105. Nay, and let me speak of another matter in 
which the Colchians are like to the Egyptians : they 
and the Egyptians alone work linen, and have the 
same way, a way peculiar to themselves, of Avorking 
it ; and they are alike in all their manner of life, 
and in their speech. Linen has two names : the 
Colchian kind is called by the Greeks Sardonian ; ^ 
that Avhich comes from Egypt is called Egyptian. 

106. As to the pillars which Sesostris, king of 
Egypt, set up in the countries, most of them are no 

^ There seems to be no reason for connecting Colchian 
linen with Sardinia (as ^αρζωνικόν would imply). The 
Colchian word ma}' have had a similar sound. 


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ούκέτι φαίνονται irepteoOaaCy iv Se rfj ΤΙαΧαιστίντ) 
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ζ€σθαι. ταύτα ττοίήσαι τον Χέσωστριν, καϊ Βύο 


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BOOK II. 106-107 

longer to be seen. But I myself saw them in the 
Palestine part of" Syria^ Λvith the writing aforesaid and 
the women's privy parts upon them. Also there are 
in Ionia tw^o figures ^ of this man carven in rock, one 
on the road from Ephesus to Phocaea, and the other 
on that from Sardis to Smyrna. In both places there 
is a man of a height of four cubits and a half cut in 
relief, with a spear in his right hand and a bo>v in 
his left, and the rest of his equipment answering 
thereto ; for it is both Egyptian and Ethiopian ; and 
right across the breast from one shoulder to the 
other there is carven a writing in the Egyptian 
sacred character, saying: "I myself won this land 
with the might of my slioulders." There is nothing 
here to show who he is and whence he comes, but 
it is shown elsewdiere. Some of those Λνΐιο have seen 
these figures guess them to be Meinnon, but they 
are far indeed from the truth. 

107. Now when tliis Egyptian Sesostris (so said 
the priests), being on his way homewards and bring- 
ing many men of the nations whose countries he 
had subdued, had come in his return to Daj)hnae of 
Pelusium, his brother, to whom he had given Egypt 
in charge, invited him and his sons to a banquet and 
then piled Avood round the house and set it on fire. 
When Sesostris was aware of this, he took counsel 
at once with his wife, whom (it was said) he was 
bringing with him ; and she counselled him to lay 
two of his six sons on the fire and to make a bridge 
over the burning Λvhereby they might pass over the 
bodies of the two and escape. Tliis Sesostris did ; 

' Two such figures have been discovered in the pa-ss of 
Kaiabel, near the old road from Ephesus to Sm^^rna. They 
are not, however, Egyptian in appearance. 

VOL. I. Ρ 

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οκως τε άπίοι 6 ποταμός, σπανίζοντες ύΒάτων 
πΧατυτεροισι εχ^ρεωντο τοΐσι πόμασι, εκ φρεάτων 

109. Τούτων μεν Βη είνεκα κατετμηθη η Αϊ- 
yυπτoς. κατανεΐμαι Βε την χά}ρην AlyυπτLOισL 
άπασι τούτον εXεyov τον βασιΧεα, κΧήρον ίσον 
εκάστω τετpάyωvov ΒίΒόντα, και άπο τούτου τάς 
προσόΒους ποιησασθαι, επιτάξαντα άποφορην 
επιτεΧεειν κατ ενιαυτόν, εΐ Be τίνος του κΧηρου 
6 ποταμός τι παρεΧοιτο, εΧθων αν προς αύτον 
εσήμαινε το yεyεvημεvov' ο Βε έπεμπε τους επι- 
σκεψομένους καΐ άναμετρήσοντας οσω εΧάσσων 
6 χοίρος yεyovεy οκως τον Χοιπού κατά Xoyov 

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BOOK II. 107-109 

two of his sons were thus burnt^ but the rest were 
saved alive with their father. 

108. Having returned to Egypt^ and taken venge- 
ance on his brother^ Sesostris found work, as I shall 
show, for the multitude which he brought with him 
from the countries which he had subdued. It was 
these who dragged the great and long blocks of 
stone which were brought in this king's reign to the 
temple of Hephaestus ; and it was they who were 
compelled to dig all the canals which are now in 
Egypt, and thus, albeit with no such intent, made 
what was before a land of horses and carts to be 
now without either. For from this time Egypt, 
albeit a level land, could use no horses or carts, by 
reason of the canals being so many and going every 
way. The reason why the king thus intersected the 
country was this : those Egyptians whose towns were 
not on the Nile but inland from it lacked water 
whenever the flood left their land, and drank only 
brackish Λvater from wells. 

109. For this cause Egypt was intersected. This 
king moreover (so they said) divided the country 
among all the Egyptians by giving each an equal 
square parcel of land, and made this his source of 
revenue, appointing the payment of a yearly tax. 
And any man who was robbed by the river of a part 
of his land would come to Sesostris and declare 
what had befallen him ; then the king would send 
men to look into it and measure the space by which 
the land was diminished, so that thereafter it should 


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της τβτα^μβνης άττοφορης reXeoL. So/ciet Si μοι 
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βμαθον οΐ *'ΈίΧΚην€<;. 

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βαΧΧόμενον τοίσι €pyoίσι. Ααρεϊον μεν νυν 
Xεyoυσι ττρος ταύτα συyyvώμηv ττοιησασθαι. 

111. Χεσώστριος Se τεΧευτήσαντος εκΒεξασθαι 
εXεyov την βασιΧηίην τον τταΐΒα αυτού Φερών, 
τον αττοΒεξασθαι μεν ούΕεμίαν στρατηίην, συνενει- 
χθήναι Βε οί τυφΧον yεvεσθaι Boa τοιόνΒε 7Γpήyμa, 
του ποταμού κατεΧθόντος μεyιστa Βη τότ€ eV 
οκτωκαίΒεκα ττηχ^εας, ώς ύττερέβαΧε τας άρούρας, 
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νετό' τον Βε βασιΧεα Xεyoυσι τούτον άτασθαΧίτ] 
γ^ρησάμενον, Χαβόντα αίχμην βαΧεΙν ες μεσας 
τας Βίνας του ττοταμοΰ, μετά Βε αύτίκα καμοντα 
αυτόν τους οφθαΧμους τυφΧωθήναι, Βέκα μεν Βη 


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BOOK li. 109-111 

pay in proportion to the tax originally imposed. 
From thiSj to my thinkings the Greeks learnt the art 
of measuring land; the sunclock and the sundial, 
and the twelve divisions of the day, came to Hellas 
not from Egypt but from Babylonia. 

110. Sesostris Avas the only Egyptian king who 
also ruled Ethiopia. To commemorate his name, 
he set before the temple of Hephaestus two stone 
statues of himself and his wife^ each thirty cubits 
high, and statues of his four sons, each of twenty 
cubits. Eong afterwards Darius the Persian Avould 
have set up his statue before these ; but the i)riest 
of Hephaestus forbade him, saying that he Iiad 
achieved nothing equal to the deeds of Sesostris the 
Egyptian ; for Sesostris (he said) had subdued the 
Scythians, besides as many other nations as Darius 
had conquered, and Darius had not been able to over- 
come the Scythians ; therefore it Avas not just that 
Darius should set his statue before the statues of 
Sesostris, whose achievements he had not equalled. 
Darius, it is said, let the priest have his w^ay, 

111. When Sesostris died, he was succeeded in 
the kingship (so said the priests) by his son Pheros.^ 
This king made no wars ; and it happened that he 
became blind, for the following reason : the Nile 
came dow^n in a flood such as never was before, 
rising to a height of eighteen cubits, and the water 
which overflowed the fields was roughened by a 
strong Avind ; then, it is said, the king was so in- 
fatuated that he took a spear and hurled it into the 
midst of the river eddies. Straightway after this 
he suffered from a disease of the eyes, and became 
l.lind. When he had been blind for ten years, an 

' Manetho's list shows no such name. It is probably not 
a name but a title, Pharaoh. 


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αντος 'γυναίκα, αναθήματα Βε αποφυγών τηΐ' 
ττάθην των οφθαΧμών άΧΧα τε ανά τά Ιρά πάντα 
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εκατερον Χίθου, μήκος μεν εκάτερον ττηχεων 
εκατόν, εΰρος Βε οκτώ ττηχεων. 

112. Ύούτου Βε εκΒεξασθαι την βασιΧηίην εΧε- 
ηον ανΒρα Μεμφίτην, τω κατά την ΈΧΧηνων 
^Χώσσαν οΰνομα ΤΙρωτεα εΙναί' του νυν τέμενος 
εστί εν Μεμφι κάρτα καΧόν τε καΐ ευ εσκενασ- 
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μενον. ττερωίκέουσι Βε το τέμενος τούτο Φοίνικες 
Ύύριοι, καΧεεται Βε 6 χώρος ούτος 6 συνάττας 
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ΙΙρωτεος ίρον το καΧεεται ξείνης ^ΑφροΒίτης• 
συμβάΧΧομαι Βε τοντο το ίρον είναι ΈΧένης τής 
ΎvvBάpεωt f^ct,^^ τον Xoyov άκηκοώς ώς Βιαιτηθη 
'ΈΧενη Ίταρά Τίρωτει, κα\ Βη καΐ οτι ξείνης ^Αφρο- 

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oracle from the city of Buto declared to him that 
the time of his punishment was drawing to an end, 
and that he should regain his sight by washing his 
eyes with the issue of a woman wlio had never had 
intercourse with any man but her own husband. 
Pheros made trial with his own wife firsts and as 
he still remained blind,, with all women, one after 
another. When he at last recovered sights he took 
all the women of whom he had made trial, save onlv 
her who had made him to see again^ and gathered 
them into one town^ that Λvhich is now called '' Red 
Clay " ; where having collected them together he 
burnt them and the town ; but the woman by whose 
means he had recovered sight he took to wife. 
Among the many offerings which he dedicated in all 
the noteworthy temples for his deliverance from 
blindnesSj most worthy of mention are the two mar- 
vellous stone obelisks which he set up in the temple 
of the Sun. Each of these is made of a single 
block, and is an hundred cubits high and eight cubits 

112. Pheros was succeeded (they said) by a man 
of Memphis, whose name in the Greek language 
was Proteus. This Proteus has a fair and well- 
adorned temple precinct at Memphis, lying to the 
south of the temple of Hephaestus. Round the pre- 
cinct dwell Phoenicians of Tyre, and the whole place 
is called the Camp of the Tyrians. There is in the 
precinct of Proteus a temple entitled the temple of 
the Stranger Aphrodite ; this I guess to be a temple 
of Helen, daughter of Tyndareus, partly because 
I have heard the story of Helen's abiding with 
Proteus, and partly because it bears the name of 


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Βίτη<ζ Εττώνυμορ €στί' οσα yap αΧλα ^Αψρο8ίτη^ 
ιρά iariy ονΒαμώς ξ€ίνη^ ini/ca\€€Tai. 

113. "EXeyov Be μοι οι ιρββς Ιστορίοντι τα ττβρί 
'ΈιΧίνην yeveaOau ώδε. ^ΑΧίξανΒρον αρττάσαντα 
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ττυθόμενοι τον ττερί το ιρόν έχοντα νόμον, Ικεται 
Βε Ιζόμενοί του Θεού κaτηyόpεov του ^ΑΧεξάνΒρου, 
βουΧόμενοι βΧάτττειν αυτόν^ ττάντα Xoyov εξηyεύ- 
μενοί ως είγε ττερΙ την ^ΕΧενην τε κα\ την ες 
^\ενεΧεων άΒικΙην κaτηyόρεov Βε ταύτα προς τε 
τους Ιρεας καϊ τον του στόματος τούτου φύΧακον, 
τω οΰνομα ην ®ώνις. 

114. Άκουσας Βε τούτων ό ^ωνις πέμπει την 
ταχίστην ες Μεμφιν πάρα ΙΙρωτεα άyyεXL•ηv 
Xεyoυσav τάδε. "'Ήκει ξεΐνος yεvoς μεν Ύενκρός, 
epyov Βε άνοσων εν ttj ΈΧΧάΒι εξεpyaσ μένος' 
ξείνου yap του εωυτου εξαπατήσας την yυvalκa 
αυτήν τε ταυτην ayωv ήκει καϊ ποΧΧα κάρτα 
χρήματα, υπό άνεμων ες yrjv ταύτην άπενειχθείς. 
κότερα Βήτα τούτον εώμεν άσινεα εκπΧεειν ή 

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12-1 14 

the Stranger Aphrodite ; for no other of Aphrodite's 
temples is called bj that name. 

113. When I enquired of the priests, they told 
me that this Λvas the story of Helen : — After carry- 
ing off Helen from Sparta, Alexandras sailed away 
for his own couiitry ; violent Avinds caught him in 
the Aegean, and drove him into the Egyptian sea ; 
whence (the wind not abating) he came to Egypt, 
to the mouth of the Nile called the Canopic mouth, 
and to the Salting-places. Now there was on the coast 
(and still is) a temple of Heracles ; Λvhere if a servant 
of any man take refuge and be branded with certain 
sacred marks in token that he delivers himself to 
the god, such an one may not be touched. This law 
continues to-day the same as it has ever been from 
the first. Hearing of the temple law, certain of 
Alexandrus' servants separated themselves from him, 
threw themselves on the mercy of the god, and 
brought an accusation against Alexandrus with 
intent to harm him, telling all the story of Helen 
and the wrong done to Menelaus. They laid this 
accusation before the priests and the warden of the 
Nile mouth, Λvhose name was Thonis. 

114. When Thonis heard it, he sent this message 
with all speed to Proteus at Memphis : " There has 
come hither a Teucrian stranger who has done great 
wrong in Hellas. He has deceived his host and 
robbed him of his Avife, and brought her hither 
driven to your country by the wind, with very great 
store of wealth besides. Shall we suffer him to sail 
away unliarmed, or take away from him that which 


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άτΓβΧώμβθα τα €χων ήΧθβ;" άντί'π€μ7Γ€ΐ irpos 
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115. ^Ακούσα<; Be ταύτα 6 Θώι^^? σνΧλαμβάνβι 
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σιώτατον ερ^άσαο' παρά τού σεωντού ξείνου την 
γυναίκα ηΧθες. καΧ μάΧα ταύτα τοι ουκ ηρκεσε, 
αλλ' άναπτερώσας αυτήν οϊγεαι εγων εκκΧεψας, 
καΧ ούΒε ταύτα τοι μούνα ηρκεσε, άλλα καΧ οικία 
τού ξείνου κεραίσας ηκεις, νυν ων επειΒη περΧ 
ποΧΧού ή'γημαι μη ξεινοκτονεειν, γυναίκα μεν 
ταύτην καΧ τα χρήματα ου τοι προησ<ο άπά- 
'γεσθαι, αλλ' αύτα εγώ τω ^ΈΧΧηνι ξείνω φυΧάξω^ 
ες ο άν αυτός εΧθων εκείνος άπα^α^έσθαι 


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BOOK II. 114-115 

he has brought? " Proteus sent back this message : 
^^ Whoever be this man Λνΐιο has done a wrong to 
his own hostj seize him and bring him to nie^ that I 
may know what he will say." 

115. Hearing this, Thonis seized Alexandrus and 
held his ships there, and presently brought him with 
Helen and all the Avealth, and the suppliants there- 
with, to Memphis. All having come thither, Proteus 
asked Alexandrus who he was and whence he sailed ; 
Alexandrus told liim of his lineage and the name 
of his country, and of his voyage, Avhence he sailed. 
Then Proteus asked him whence he had taken 
Helen ; Alexandrus made no straightforΛvard or 
truthful ansAver ; but the men Λνΐιο had taken refuge 
with the temple disproved his tale, and related the 
whole story of the wrongful act. When all was 
said, Proteus thus gave sentence : — ^^ Were I not 
careful to slay no stranger Λνΐιο has ever been cauglit 
by the Avind and driven to my coasts, I Avould have 
avenged that Greek upon you ; seeing that, Ο 
basest of men ! you have done foul Λvrong to him 
who hospitably entreated you, and have entered in 
to the wife of your ΟΛνη host. Nay, and this did not 
suffice you ; you made her to fly with you and stole 
her away. Nor was even this enough, but you have 
come hither with the plunder of your host's house. 
Now, therefore, since I am careful to slay no stranger, 
I will not suffer you to take away this woman and 
these possessions ; I will keep them for the Greek 
stranger, till such time as he shall himself come to 


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idaXrj' αυτόν he ae teal τυύς σους σνμττΧυου'ζ 
τριών ήμερέων 7rpoayop€vw i/c τή^ έμή'ζ yrj^ i<i 
άΧλην TLva μβτορμίζβσθαί, el Se /χ?;, are ττοΧβμίον^ 

116. ^Κλένης μεν ταυτην αττιζιν τταρα ΙΙρωτέα 
eXeyov οί ipe€< yeveaOar SoKeet Se μοι και 'Όμηρος 
τον Xoyov τούτον ττυθ^σθαν αλλ* ου yap ομοίως 
e? την ίτΓΟΤΓΟίίην εύπρεττης ην τω ετέρω τω irep 
εχρι^σατο, εκών μετηκε αυτόν ^ ΒηΧώσας ώς κα\ 
τούτον εττίσταιτο τον Xoyov Sr/Xov Βε κατά [yapy 
ετΓοίησε εν '\XiaSi (^καΐ ού^αμτ} άΧΧτ) άνεττοΒισε 
εωυτόν) ττΧάνην την ^ΑΧεξάνΒρου, ώς άττηνεί'χ^θη 
άyωv *ΈΧενην τγ τε 8η αΧΧη ττΧαζόμενος καΐ ώς 
69 Χώώνα Τλ}ς Φοινίκης άττίκετο, ετημεμνηται δε 
αυτού εν Αίομ7]8εος άριστηίτ}' XεyεL Βε τα εττεα 

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ηyayε Έ,ιΒονίηθεν, ετηττΧως ευρέα ττόντον, 
την οΒον ην ΈιΧένην ττερ άvήyayεv εύπατερειαΐ'. 

ετΓΐμεμνηται Βε καϊ εν ΌΒυσσείτ] εν τοΐσιΒε τοΐσι 

Ύοΐα Αιος θυyάτηp εχε φάρμακα μητιόεντα, 
εσθΧά^ τά οί ΐΙοΧύΒαμνα ττόρεν ^ώνος τταρά- 

Alyυ7ΓTL•7]f τη πΧεΐστα φέρει ζείΒωρος άρουρα 
φάρμακα^ ττοΧΧα μεν εσθΧά μεμιyμεva, ττολλα 

Βε Xvypd. 

^ κατά — καβά, " aooordin^ as." yap is out of place here, 

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BOOK II. 115-116 

take them away ; but as for you and the companions 
of your voyage, 1 warn you to depart from my 
country elsewhither within three days, else 1 will 
deal with you as with enemies." 

116. This, by what the priests told me, was the 
manner of Helen's coming to Proteus. And, to my 
thinking. Homer too knew this story ; but seeing that 
it suited not so well with epic poetry as the tale of 
which he made use, he rejected it of set purpose, 
showing withal that he knew it. This is plain, from 
the passage in the Iliad (and nowhere else does he 
return to the story) where he relates the Λvanderings 
of Alexandrus, and shoΛvs how he w ith Helen was 
carried out of his course, among other places, to 
Sidon in Phoenice. This is in the story of the Feats 
of Diomedes, where the verses run as follows : 

There Λvere the robes in his house, inwrought with 

manifold colours. 
Work of the women of Sidon, whom godlike Paris 

Brought from their eastern town, o'er wide seas 

voyaging thither. 
E'en when he won from her home fair Helen, the 

daughter of princes.^ 
He makes mention of it in the Odyssey also : 
Suchlike drugs of grace, for a healing cunningly 

Once in the land of Nile had the Λvife of Thon, 

Giv'n to the daughter of Zeus; for there of the 

country's abundance. 
Potent to heal or to harm, are herbs full many 

engendered : ^ 

1 II vi. 289-92. 2 qj^^ jy^ 227-30. 


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Λ*α1 τίίδβ erepa προς ΎηΧβμαχον ΜενεΧβως Xiyei. 

Αΐ<γύ7Γτω μ ϊτι Bevpo Θβοί μβμαωτα veeaOai 
€σχον, iirel ου σφιν βρβξα τέληίσσας βκατόμβας} 

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iv Ίτ} SvpLT] οίκβονσι. 

117. Κατά ταύτα Be τά eVea καΐ τόΒβ το 
γ^ωρίον ουκ. ηκιστα άΧΧα μάΧιστα ΒηΧοΐ οτι ουκ 
^Ομηρου τα K.07rpia eirea εστί αλλ' αΧΧου τινός, 
iv μεν yap τοΙσι Κυττρίοίσί εϊρηται ως τριταίος 
εκ ^ττάρτης ^ΑΧεξανΒρος άττίκετο ες το *ΊΧιον 
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θαΧάσστ] Xeiy* iv Βε ^ΙΧιάΒι Xeyει ως εττΧάζετο 
ayωv αύτην. 

118. "Ομηρος μεν νυν και τα Κύττρια εττεα 
χαιρετώ, ει ρο μενού Βε μευ τους ίρεας εΐ μάταιον 
Xoyov Xeyoυσι οι ' Έ^ΧΧηνες τα ττερο ' ΙΧιον yεvε- 
σθαι η ου, εφασαν προς ταύτα τάδε, Ιστορίησι 
φάμενοι εΙΒεναι παρ αύτον Μει^βλεω. εΧθεΐν μεν 
yap μετά την ^ΚΧενης άpπayηv iς την ΎευκρίΒα 
yrjv 'ΚΧΧηνων στρατιην ποΧΧην βοηθεΰσαν Ήίενε- 
Χεω, iKfiaaav Be iς yrjV καΐ ΙΒρυθεΙσαν την 
στρατιην πεμπειν ες το "\Xiov άγγελοι;?, συν Βε 
σφι Ιεναι καΐ αύτον ΜενεΧεων τους δ' επείτε 
iσεXθεΐv iς το τείχος, απαιτέειν ΈιΧενην τε καΐ 
τα χρήματα τά οΐ οϊχετο κΧεψας^ ^ΑΧεξανΒρος, 
των τε άΒικημάτων Βίκας αΐτεειν τους δε Ύευ- 

^ Stein brackets 4τΓΐμ4μνηται . . . €κατόμβα5, because (as he 
says) the quotations from the Odyssey have nothing to do 
with the story of Alexandrus. 


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BOOK II. 116-118 
and again Menelaus says to Telemachus : 
Eager Avas I to returnj but the gods fast held me in 


Wroth that I honoured them not nor offered a sacri- 
fice duly.^ 

In these verses the poet shows that he knew of 
Alexandrus' wanderings to Egypt ; for Syria borders 
on Egypt, and the PhoenicianSj to whom Sidon 
belongs, dwell in Syria. 

117. These verses and this passage prove most 
clearly that the Cyprian poems are by the hand not 
of Homer but of another. For the Cyprian poems 
relate that Alexandrus reached Ilion with Helen 
in three days from Sparta, having a fair Avind and a 
smooth sea ; but according to the Iliad he wandered 
from his course in bringing her. 

118. Enough, then, of Homer and the Cyprian 
poems. But wlien I asked the priests whether the 
Greek account of the Trojan business were vain or 
true, they gave me the folloAving answer, saying that 
they had inquired and knew what Menelaus himself 
had said : — After the rape of Helen, a great host of 
Greeks came to the Teucrian land on Menelaus' 
behalf Having there disembarked and encamped, 
they sent to Ilion messengers, of whom Menelaus 
himself was one. These, on coming within the city 
walls, demanded restitution of Helen and the possess- 
ions which Alexandrus had stolen from Menelaus and 
carried off, and reparation besides for the wrong 
done ; but the Teucrians then and ever afterwards 

1 Od. iv. 351, 2. 


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κρου<ζ τον αυτόν Xoyov Xeyeiv rore και μετβττείτα, 
κα\ ομνύντα^ καΐ άνωμοτί, μη μεν €χ€ίν ^ΕΧίνην 
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'ΈιΧΧηνε^ αύτον ΜενέΧεων άττοστεΧΧουσι τταρα 

119. Άττίκόμενος Βε 6 ΜενεΧεως ες την Αϊ^υτττον 
καΐ άναττΧώσας ες την Μεμφιν^ εϊττας την άΧη- 
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μισηθείς τ€ καΐ Βιωκόμενος οϊχετο φεύyωv Trjai 
νηυσΐ εττΐ Αιβύης' το ενθεύτεν Βε οκον ετι 
ετράττετο ούκ εΐ^ζ^ον ειπεΐν AiyuirTioi. τούτων 
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τταρ εωυτοισι yεv6μεva άτρεκεως εττιστάμενοι 

120. Ύαντα μεν Alyυ'πτίωv οι Ιρεες iXeyov iyo) 
Βε τω λόγω τω ττερϊ 'ΚΧένης Χε^θεντι κα\ αύτος 
ττροστίθεμαι, τάΒε €7ΓlXεyό μένος ^ ει ην ΈΧενη εν 


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BOOK II. 118-120 

deehiicd, witli oallis and without, that neither Helen 
nor the goods claimed were with lliem, she and they 
being in Egypt; nor could they (so tliey said) justly 
make reparation for Avhat was in the hands of the 
Egyptian king Proteus. But the Greeks thought 
that the Trojans mocked them, and therewith 
besieged tlie city, till they took it ; and it v/as not 
till they tocjk the fortress and found no Helen there, 
and heard the same declaration as before, tliat they 
gave credence to the Trojans' first word and so sent 
Menelaus liimself to Proteus. 

119. Menelaus then came to Egypt and went up 
the river to Memphis ; there, telling the whole truth 
of wliat had happened, he was very hosj^itably 
entertained and received back Helen unharmed and 
all his possessions withal. Yet, albeit so weU 
entreated, Menelaus did the Egyptians a wrong. 
For when he would have sailed aΛvay he was stayed 
by stress of weather ; and this hindrance continuing 
for long, he devised and did a forbidden deed, taking 
two children of the land and sacrificing them. When 
it was knoAvn that he had so done, the people hated 
and pursued him, and he fled away Λvith his ships to 
Libya ; and Avhither he thence betook himself the 
Egyptians could not say. The juries ts told me that 
they had learnt some of this tale by inquiry, but that 
they spoke Λvith exact knowledge of what had 
happened in their OAvn country. 

120. So much was told me by the Egyptian priests. 
For myself, I believe their story about Helen : for I 
reason thus — that had Helen been in ilion, then 


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^\\ίω, άττο^οθηναι αν αυτήν τοΐσι ^ΕΧΧησο ήτοι 
εκόντο^ ye η άύκοντο'ζ ΆΧβξάνΒρον, ου yap 8η 
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121. Τίρωτεος Be εκΒεξασθαι την βασιΧηίην 


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BOOK II. 120-12£ 

with or without the Λνίΐΐ of Alexandras she would have 
been given back to the Greeks. For surely neither 
was Priam so mad, nor those nearest to him, as to 
consent to risk tlieir own persons and their children 
and their city, that Alexandrus might have Helen to 
wife. Even be it granted that they were so minded 
in the first days, yet when not only many of the 
Trojans were slain in fighting against the Greeks, 
but Priam himself lost by death two or three or even 
more of his sons in every battle (if the poets are to 
be trusted), in this turn of affairs, had Helen been 
Priam's own wife, I cannot but think (for myself) 
that he would have restored her to the Greeks, if by 
so doing he could escape from the present evil plight. 
Nay, nor was Alexandrus next heir to the kingship, 
whereby he might have been the real ruler^ Priam 
being old; it was Hector, an older and a more 
valiant man than Alexandrus, who was like to receive 
the royal power at Priam's death ; and it was none of 
Hector's business to consent to his brother's wrong- 
doing, least of all when that brother was the cause of 
great calamity to Hector himself and the whole of 
Troy beside. But matters fell out as they did 
because the Trojans had not Helen there to give 
back, yet though they spoke the truth the Greeks 
would not believe them ; for, as I am convinced and 
declare, the powers above ordained that the utter 
destruction of Troy should prove in the sight of all 
men that the gods do greatly punish great wrong- 
doing. This is my own belief and thus I declare it. 
121. The next to reign after Proteus (they said) 


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^Ραμψίνίτον eXeyop, 09 μνημόσυνα iXiirero τα 
προττνΧαια τα ττρο^ βσττέρην τβτραμμβνα τον 
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σασθαι ως εκείνων ττροορω^, οκως βίον άφΘονον 
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ταμίαι των βασίΧέος χρημάτων έσονται, και τον 
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μακρην ερ^ου εχεσθαι, εττεΧθόντας Βε έπι τα 
βασιΧήια νυκτός κα\ τον Χίθον εττϊ τω οΙκοΒο- 


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Avas Rliampsinitus. The memorial of his name left 
by him was the western forecourt of the temple of 
Hephaestus ; before this he set two statues of twenty- 
five cubits' height ; the northernmost of these is 
called by the Egyptians Summer, and the southern- 
most Winter ; that one Λνΐηοΐι they call Summer 
they worship and entreat well, but do contrariwise 
to the statue called Winter. This king (they told 
me) had great wealth of silver, so great that none 
of the later-born kings could surpass or nearly 
match it. That he might store his treasure safely, 
he made to be built a stone chamber, one of its 
walls abutting on the outer side of his palace. 
But the builder of it craftily contrived that one 
stone should be so placed as to be easily removed by 
tΛvo men or even by one. So when the chamber 
was finished, the king stored his treasure in it. 
But as time went on, the builder, being now near 
his end, called to him his two sons and told them 
how he had provided an ample livelihood for them 
by the art Λvith Avhich he had built the king's 
treasure-house ; he made them clearly to under- 
stand concerning the removal of the stone, and 
gave the measurements which would find it ; saying 
that if they kept these in mind they would be 
steΛvards of the king's riches. So when he was dead, 
his sons set to work with no long delay : coming 
to the palace by night, they easily found and 


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μήματι άνενροντα^ ρηιΒίως μβταχβιρίσασθαι κα\ 
των 'χ^ρημάτων ττολλά βξενείκασθαί, ώ? he τνχ^εΐν 
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κατακρεμάσαι, φυΧάκους δε αυτού καταστήσαντα 
εντείΧασθαί σφι, τον αν ίΒωνται άττοκΧαύσαντα ή 
κατοικτισάμενον, συΧΧαβόντας ayeiv ττρος εωυτόν, 
^ Κνακρε μα μενού δε τού νεκυος την μητέρα 
Βεινώς φερειν, Xόyoυς δε προς τον περιεόντα τταΐΒα 

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BOOK Π. 121 

handled the stone in the building, and took away 
much of the treasure. When the king opened the 
buildingj he was amazed to see the vessels lacking 
their full tale of treasure ; yet he kncAv not whom 
to accuse, seeing that the seals were unbroken and 
the chamber fast shut. But when at the second 
and third opening of the chamber he saw the 
treasure grown ever less (for the thieves ceased not 
from plundering), he bid traps to be made and set 
about the vessels in which his riches lay. The 
thieves came as they had done before, and one of 
them crept in ; when he came near the vessel, at 
once he was caught and held in the trap. Seeing 
his evil plight, he straightAvay called to his brother, 
and, showing him how matters stood, " Creep in 
quickly," said he, " and cut off my head, lest I be 
seen and recognised and so bring you too to ruin." 
The brother consented and did this, thinking the 
counsel good. Then he set the stone in place 
again, and went away home, carrying his brother's 
head. When it was morning the king came to the 
chamber, and was amazed to see the thief's head- 
less body in the trap, yet the chamber unbroken, 
with no Avay of passing in or out ; and he knew 
not what to do. But presently he hung the thief s 
dead body on the outer wall, and set guards over 
it, charging them to seize and bring before him 
whomsoever they should see weeping or making 

But the thief's mother, when the body had 
been so hung, was greatly moved : she talked with 


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ττοίενμενηρ προστάσσειν αύτω ότβω τρόπτω Surarai 
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Be τω τΓΟτώ γρησαμίνονς τους φυΧάκονς V7Γepμe- 

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HOOK η, 121 

her surviving son^ and hade him contrive by what- 
ever means to loose and bring her his brother's 
body, threatening that if he would not obey her 
she would go to the king and lay an information 
that he had the treasure. So when she bitterly 
reproached him and for all he said he could not 
overpersuade her, the brother devised a plot : he 
got his asses and loaded them with skins full of 
wine and then drove them before him till he came 
near those who guarded the hanging body ; then he 
pulled at the feet of two or three of the skins and 
loosed their fastenings ; and the wine so running out, 
he cried aloud and beat his head like one that knew 
not which of his asses he should deal with first. 
The guards, seeing the wine running freely, all 
took vessels and ran into the highway, where they 
caught the spilt wine, and thought themselves 
lucky ; the man pretended to be angry and reviled 
each and all of them ; but the guards speaking 
peaceably to him, he presently made as if he 
were comforted and appeased, till at last he drove 
his asses aside from the highway and put his gear in 
order. So the guards and he fell into talk, and 
one of them jesting with him, so that there was 
laughter, he gave them one of the skins : where- 
upon without more ado they sat down and began 
to drink, making him one of their company and 
bidding him stay and drink with them ; and he 
consented and stayed. They drank to him merrily, 
and he gave them yet another of the skins, till the 
guards grew very drunk with the abundance of 


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θυσθήναί και κρατηθβντα'ζ υττο τον ύττνου αυτοί) 
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την θν^ατερα καϊ είρωτώμενον τά περ καΐ οΐ 
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ερ'^ασμενος οτι τον άΒεΧφεον εν τω θησανρω του 
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νεκυν, την Βε ώς ηκουσε απτεσθαι αύτον, τον 
Βε φώρα εν τω σκότεΐ προτεΐναι uvrrj τον νεκρού 


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BOOK II, 121 

liquor, una at last being overmastered by sleep lav 
down in the place where they iiad been drinking. 
When tlie night was far spent, the thief cut down 
his brotlier's body and then (first shaving all the 
guard's right cheeks by w^ay of insult) laid it on his 
asses and drove them home, having so fulfilled his 
mother's commands for her. 

When the king was told of the stealing aΛvay of 
the dead thief's body he was very angry, and re- 
solved by all means to fnid wdio it was tiiat had 
plotted the deed. So he bade his daughter (such 
is the story, but I myself do not believe it) to sit in 
a certain room and receive alike all who came ; 
before she had intercourse with an^^ she should 
compel him to tell her what Λvas the cleverest trick 
and the greatest crime of his life ; then if any told 
her the story of the thief she must seize him and 
not suflfer him to pass out. Tiie girl did as her 
father bade her. The thief, learning the })urpose 
of the king's act, Λvas minded to get the i)etter of 
him by ready cunning, lie therefore cut off the 
arm of a man newly dead at the shoulder, and went 
to the king's daughter, carrying it under his cloak, 
and when asked the same question as the rest, he 
told her that his greatest crime was the cutting off 
of his brother's head when the brother Λvas caught 
in a trap in the king's treasury, and his cleverest 
trick the release of his brother's hanging body by 
making the guards drunk. Hearing this, the prin- 
cess would have laid hands on him, but the thief in 


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την χ€Ϊρα' την Be βτηΧαβομίνην βχβιν, νομίζονσαν 
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αΧΧων προκεκρίσθαι, εκείνον δε Kiy υπτίων. 

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οπίσω εκ τού Ιρού άπάyειv μιν τους Χύκους ες 
τώυτο χωρίον. 


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BOOK Π. I2I-I22 

tlie darkness giving lier the dead man's arm, she 
seized that^ thinking that she was gra.s])ing tlie arm 
of the thiefj who^ having given it to her^ made his 
escape by way of the door. 

When this also came to the king's ears^ he was 
astonished at the man's ingenuity and daring, and in 
the end, he sent a proclamation to every town, 
promising the thief impunity and a great reward if 
he would come into the king's presence. Tlie thief 
fri-usted the king and came before him ; Rhamp- 
sinitus admired him greatly and gave him his 
daughter to wife for his surpassing cleverness, for 
as the Egyptians (said he) excelled all others in 
craft, so did he excel the Egyptians. 

122. After this (said the priests) this king went 
down alive to the place which the Greeks call 
Hades ; there he played dice with Demeter, and 
after both winning and losing he returned back with 
a gift from her of a golden napkin. From this 
descent of Rhampsinitus the Egyptians were said 
by the priests to have kept a festival after his 
return, which to my own knowledge they celebrate 
to this day, but whether it be for that cause I cannot 
say. On the day of this festival the priests weave 
a cloth and bind it for a headgear on the eyes of 
one among themselves, whom they then lead, 
wearing• the cloth, into a road that goes to the 
temple of Demeter ; they themselves return back, 
but this priest with his eyes bandaged is guided 
(say they) by two wolves ^ to Demeter's temple, a 
distance of twenty furlongs from the city, and led 
back again from the temple by the wolves to the 
same place. 

^ Jackals appear on Egyptian monuments, symbolising 
Anubis, the guide of the dead. 


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123. Ύοΐσι μεν νυν ύττ* Αΐ^υ-πτίων Χε'^ομίνοισι 
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τταρα ττάντα τον \6yov υπόκειται οτι τα Χβ'γόμενα 
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ες ανσρωπον σώμα yLVoμεvov εσοννει• την ττεριή- 
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τοντω τω λόγω εΙσ\ οι ΈΧΧηνων εγ^ρήσαντο, οΐ 
μεν προτερον οΐ Βε ύστερον, ως ΙΒίω εωντών εόντί' 
των iyo) εΙΒώς τά ούνόματα ου yράφω, 

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εν Alyv'πτω ττασαν εύνομίην εXεyov καϊ ευθηνεειν 
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ζεσθαι εωυτω κεΧεύειν ττάντας Alyυτττίoυς. τοισι 
μεν Βη άττοΒεΒεχθαι εκ των ΧιΘοτομιεων των εν 
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τοντο εΧκειν. εpyάζovτo Βε κατά Βέκα μυριάΒας 
άνθρώττων αΐεΐ την τρίμηνον εκάστην. χρόνον Βε 
εyyεvέσθaι τριβομένω τω Χεω Βέκα ετεα μεν της 
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€ον ου ττοΧΧω τεω εΧασσον της ττνραμίΒος, ώς εμοί 


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BOOK II. 123-124 

123. These Egyptian stories are for the use of 
whosoever believes sucli tales : for myself,, it is my 
rule throughout this history that I record whatever 
is told me as I have heard it. 

It is believed in Egypt that the rulers of the 
lower world are Demeter and Dionysus. ^ More- 
over, the Egyptians were the first to teach that tlie 
human soul is immortal^ and at the death of the body 
enters into some other living thing then coming to 
birth ; and after passing through all creatures of land, 
sea, and air (which cycle it completes in three 
thousand years) it enters once more into a human 
body at birth. Some of the Greeks, early and 
late, have used this doctrine as if it were their 
ΟΛνη ; I know their names, but do not here record 

124. Till the time of Rhampsinitus Egypt (so the 
priests told me) was in all ways \vell governed and 
greatly pros})ered, but Cheops, who was the next 
king, brought the people to utter misery. For first 
he shut up all the temples, so that none could sacrifice 
there ; and next, he compelled all the Egyptians to 
work for him, appointing to some to drag stones from 
the quarries in the Arabian mountains to the Nile : 
and the stones being carried across the river in boats, 
others were charged to receive and drag them to the 
mountains called Libyan. They Λvorked in gangs 
of a hundred thousand men, each gang for three 
months. For ten years the people were afflicted in 
making the road whereon the stones were dragged, 
the making of which road was to my thinking a task 
but a little lighter than tire building of the pyramid,^ 

* Isie and Oairia. 

» The •* Great Pyramid." 


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hoKeetv τή<ζ μεν yap μηκο<; είσΐ irevre araSioi, 
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εκαστον, οκως τον Χίθον εξελοιεν ΧεΧεχθω yap 
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iiriyata καϊ τα κατωτάτω εξεττοίησαν, σεσημαν- 
ται δβ δ*ά ypaμμάτωv Alyυ^Γτίωv εν ttj πυρα- 

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BOOK I!. 124-125 

for the road is five furlongs long and ten fathoms 
broad, and raised at its highest to a heiglit of eight 
fathomSj and it is all of stone polished and carven with 
figures. The ten years aforesaid went to the making of 
this road and of the underground chambers on the hill 
whereon the pyramids stand ; these the king meant 
to be burial-places for himself, and encompassed them 
with Λvater, bringing in a channel from the Nile. 
The pyramid itself was twenty years in the making^ 
Its base is square, each side eight hundred feet long, 
and its height is the same ; the whole is of stone 
polished and most exactly fitted ; there is no block 
of less than thirty feet in length. 

125. This pyramid Λvas made like a stair\vay with 
tiers, or steps. When this, its first form, was com- 
pleted, the workmen used levers made of short wooden 
logs to raise the rest of the stones;^ they heaved ιψ 
the blocks from the ground on to the first tier of steps ; 
when the stone had been so raised it was set on 
another lever that stood on the first tier, and a lever 
again drew it up from this tier to the next. It may be 
that there was a new lever on each tier of the steps, 
or perhaps there was but one lever, and that easily 
lifted, which they carried up to each tier in turn, Avhen 
they had taken out the stone ; I leave this uncertain, 
both ways being told me. But this is certain, that the 
upper part of the pyramid was the first finished off, 
then the next below it, and last of all the base and 
the lowest part. There are writings on 2 the pyramid 

* That is, the stones which were to fill up tlie angles of 
the steps, and make the side of the pyramid a smooth in- 
clined plane. The pyramids built by Cheops, Chephren, and 
Mycerinua respectively are the pyramids of (iizeh, near 

2 Or. "in." 
VOL. I. Ο 


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ήμίσεος ττΧεθρον, 

127. Βασίλευσαν Βε τον Χεοττα τοντον Αί- 
yvTTTioi εXεyov ττεντήκοντα ετεα, τεΧευτήσαντος 
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αυτού χζ,εφρήνα' καϊ τούτον Βε τω αύτω τρόττω 
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ταύτα yap ων καϊ ημείς εμετρήσαμεν (ούτε yap 
νττεστι οικήματα ύττο yfjv, ούτε εκ του Ι^ειΧου 

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BOOK II. 125-127 

in Egyptian characters showing how much was spent 
on purges and onions and garlic for the \vorkmen ; 
and so far as I \vell remember, tlie interpreter when 
he read me the writing said that sixteen hundred 
talents of silver had been paid. Now if that is so, how 
much must needs have been expended on the iron 
with which they worked, and the workmen's food and 
clothing ? seeing that the time aforesaid Avas spent 
in building, and the hewing and carrying of the stone 
and the digging out of the underground parts was, 
as I suppose, a business of long duration. 

126. And so evil a man was Cheops that for lack 
of money he made his own daughter to sit in a 
chamber and exact payment (how much, I know not ; 
for they did not tell me this). She, they say, doing 
her father's bidding, Λvas minded to leave some 
memorial of her own, and demanded of everyone 
who sought intercourse with her that he should give 
one stone to set in her work ; and of these stones 
was built the pyramid that stands midmost of the 
three, over against the great pyramid ; each side of 
it measures one hundred and fifty feet. 

127. Cheops reigned (so the Egyptians said) for 
fifty years ; at his death he was succeeded by his 
brother Chephren, who bore himself in all respects 
like Cheops. Chephren also built a pyramid, of a less 
size than his brother's. I have myself measured it. 
It has no underground chambers, nor is it entered 


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8ιώρυξ ηκ€ί e? αυτήν ωσττβρ €9 την ίτβρηρ piovaw 
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evepe κτηνβα κατά ταύτα τα γωρία, 

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θηνούσαν αυτού, την μούνον οί είναι εν τοί&ι 
olk'Loiac τεκνον. τον δε ύπερaXyησavτά τε τω 


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BOOK II. 127-129 

like the other by a canal from the Nile^, but the river 
comes in tlirough a built passage and encircles an 
island, in which, they say, Cheops himself lies. This 
pyramid was built of the same bigness as the other, 
save that it falls forty feet short of it in height ; it 
stands near to the great pyramid ; the lowest layer 
of it is of variegated Ethiopian stone. Both of them 
stand on the same ridge, Avhich is about an hundred 
feet high. Chephren, they said, reigned for fifty-six 

128. Thus they reckon that for a hundred and six 
years Egypt was in great misery and the temples 
so long shut Λvere never opened. So much do the 
people hate the memory of these two kings that 
they do not greatly wish to name them, and call 
the pyramids after the shepherd Philitis, who then 
pastured his flocks in this place. ^ 

129. The next king of Egypt, they said, was 
Cheops' son Mycerinus. He, being displeased with 
his father's doings, opened the temples and suffered 
the people, now ground down to the depth of 
misery, to go to their business and their sacrifices ; 
and he was the justest judge among all the kings. 
It is on this account that he is praised beyond all 
the rulers of Egypt ; for not only were his judg- 
ments just, but if any were not contented with the 
sentence Mycerinus would give such an one a 
present out of his own estate to satisfy him for 
his loss. Such was his practice, and so he ruled 
his people Λvith clemency, yet calamities befel him, 
of which the first was the death of his daughter, 
the only child of his household. Greatly grieving 

^ This is the form which Hdt. gives to the story of the 
rule of the "shepherds" (Hyksos) in Lower Egypt, perhaps 
from 2100 to 1600 b.o. 


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πΧην ι) τα Xeyo^eva. 

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μήτηρ αυτής των άμφιττόΧων των προΒουσβων 
την OvyaTepa τω ττατρί άττίταμε τας 'χείρας, καΐ 
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χείρας των κοΧοσσων ταύτας yap ων καΐ ημείς 
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κασι, α'Ι iv ττοσΐ αύτεων iφaLvovτo εούσαι ετι καϊ 
iς iμε. 

132. Ή Βε βούς τα μεν άΧΧα κατακεκρυττται 


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BOOK II. 129-132 

over this misfortune, he desired to give her a burial 
something more excellent than ordinary ; he made 
therefore a hollow cow's image of gilded wood 
and placed therein the body of his dead daughter. 

130. This cow was not buried in the earth but 
was to be seen even in my time, in the town of 
Sais, where it lay in an adorned chamber of the 
palace ; incense of all kinds is offered daily before 
it, and a lamp burns by it all through every night. 
There is another chamber near to this image, where 
stand the statues of Mycerinus' concubines, as the 
priests of Sais told me ; and indeed there are about 
twenty colossal wooden figures there, made like 
naked women, but I have only the priests' word to 
show who they are. 

131. Some have a story about the cow and the 
statues, ΙιΟΛν Mycerinus conceived a passion for his 
own daughter and did her foul wrong, and she 
strangled herself for grief: then he buried her, 
they say, in this image of a cow ; the girl's mother 
cut off the hands of the attendants who had betrayed 
the daughter to her father, so that now (it is said) 
their statues are in the plight to which the living 
women Λvere brought. But this I believe to be a 
foolish tale, especially as respects the hands of the 
figures. As we ourselves saw, it is time which has made 
the hands to drop aAvay ; they were to be seen even 
in my day lying on the ground before the statues. 

132. As for the cow, it is covered with a purple 


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φοίΡίκβω €Ϊματί, τον av^eva he κα\ την καφαΧην 
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τούτ(ό τω βασιΧει τάδε γενέσθαι' εΧθεΐν οΐ 
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φθείροντες, εβίωσαν χρονον επΙ ποΧΧον, αύτος 
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εκ δε τον χρήστη ρίου αύτω Βεύτερα εΧθεΐν 
XiyovTa τούτων εΊνεκα καΐ συνταχύνειν αύτον 
τον βίον ου yap ποιησαί μιν το χρεον ην 
ποιεειν Βεΐν yap Aϊyυπτov κακούσθαι εττ' ετεα 
πεντήκοντα τε και εκατόν^ και τους μεν Βύο τους 
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σάμενον ποΧΧά, οκως yivoiTO νυξ, άναψαντα 


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BOOK 11. 132-133 

rube, and shows only the head and neck, whicli are 
encrusted with a very thick layer of gold. Between 
its horns it bears the golden figure of the sun's 
orb. It does not stand, but kneels ; its stature is 
that of a live coav of great size. This image is 
carried out of the chamber once in every year, 
whenever the Egyptians make lamentation for the 
god whom I name not in speaking of these matters ; it 
is then that the cow is brought out into the light, 
for Mycerinus' daughter, they say, entreated him at 
her death that she might see the sun once a jxar.^ 

133. After the grievous death of his daughter, it 
next happened to Mycerinus that an oracle was sent 
to him from the city of Buto, declaring that he had 
but six years to live and must die in the seventh. 
The king deemed this unjust, and sent back to the 
oracle a message of reproach, blaming the god ; why 
must he die so soon who v/as pious, whereas his 
father and his uncle had lived long, Λνΐιο shut up the 
temples, and regarded not the gods, and destroyed 
men ? But a second utterance from the jilaee of 
divination declared to him that his good deeds were 
the very cause of shortening his life ; for lie had done 
what was contrary to fate ; Egypt should have been 
afflicted for an hundred and fifty years, whereof the 
two kings before him had been aware, but not 
Mycerinus. Hearing this, he knew that his doom Avas 
fixed. Therefore he caused many lamps to be made, 
and would light these at nightfall and drink and make 

^ The cow-worship is no doubt the cult of lais, hoaouied 
at Saia under the name Nit. 


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ίάΒ μονός iy ενετό, 

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του Σαμίου κομίσαντος, αττικό μένη Βε κατ ερτγασίην 


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BOOK II. 133-135 

merry ; by day or nUrht he never ceased from revel- 
ling^ roaming to the marsh country and the groves 
and Avherever he heard of the likeliest places of 
pleasure. Thus he planned, that by turning night 
into day he might make his six years into tAvelve 
and so prove the oracle false. 

134. This king too left a pyramid, but far smaller 
than his father's ; its sides form a square whereof 
each side is two hundred and eighty feet in length ; 
as far as the half of its height it is of Ethiopian 
stone. Some Greeks say that it was built by 
Rhodopis,. the courtesan, but they are in error ; 
indeed it is clear to me that Λvhen they say this 
they do not knoΛV who Rhodopis was, else they 
would never have credited her Avith the build- 
ing of a pyramid \vhereon what I may call an 
uncountable sum of talents must have been ex- 
pended. And it is a further proof of their error 
that Rhodopis flourished in the reign of Amasis, 
not of Mycerinus, and thus very many years after 
these kings who built the pyramids. She was a 
Thracian by birth, slave to ladmon, son of Hephaes- 
topolis, a Samian, and felloAv-slave of Aesopus the 
story- Avriter. For he also was owned by ladmon; of 
which the chiefest proof is that when the Delphians, 
obeying an oracle, issued many proclamations 
inviting whosoever would to claim the penalty for 
the killing of Aesopus, none would undertake it 
but only another ladmon, grandson of the first. 
Thus was Aesopus too shown to be the slave of 

135. Rhodopis was brought to Egypt by Xanthes 
of Samos, and on her coming was for a great sum of 


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'^οΒώπιος το ούνομα έξεμαθον τούτο Be ύστερον 
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νόστησε ες ΜυτιΧηνην, εν μεΧεϊ ϊαττφώ ποΧΧά 
κατεκερτόμησε μιν. 

13G. ^ΡοΒώττιος μεν νυν ττερι Ίτετταυμαι. μετά 
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ΤΓοιησαι τω ν\φαίστω ιτροττύΧαια, εοντα ττοΧΧω 

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BOOK II. 135-136 

money freed for the practice of her calhng by Charaxus 
of Mytilenej son of Scamandronymus and brother of 
Sappho the poetess. Thus Rhodopis was set free and 
abode in Egypt^ Avhere, her charms becoming well 
known, she grew wealthy enough for a lady of her 
profession, but not for the building of such a pyramid. 
Seeing that to this day anyone who wishes may know 
wliat was the tenth part of her possessions, she cannot 
be credited with greai Λvealth. For Rhodoi)is desired 
to leave a memorial of herself in Greece, by having 
something made which no one else had contrived 
and dedicated in a temple and presenting this at 
Delphi to j^reserve her memory ; so she s])ent the 
tenth part of her substance on the making of a great 
number of iron ox-spits, as many as the tithe would 
pay for, and sent them to Delphi; these lie in a heap 
to this day, behind the altar set up by the Chians 
and in front of the shrine itself. It seems that the 
courtesans of Naucratisever have the art of pleasing, 
for the woman of whom this story is told became so 
famous that all Greeks knew the name of Rhodopis, 
and in later days one Archidice was the theme of 
song throughout Greece, albeit less spoken of than 
the other. Cliaraxus, after giving Rhodopis her 
freedom, returned to Mytilene and was bitterly 
attacked by Sappho in one of her poems. 

136. Enough has been said of Rhodopis. After 
Mycerinus, said the priests, Asuchis became king of 
Egypt. He l)uilt the eastern outer court of 
Hej)haestus' temple ; this is by much tlie fairest and 


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rh εΧεα, τον he ΑΙΘίοττα βασιΧεύειν Alyύ'πτoυ 

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BOOK II. ^36-137 

lar<i^est of all the courts, for while all have carven 
figures and innunierable graces of architecture^ this 
court has far more than any. In this king's reign 
as they told me, money in Egypt passed not readily 
from hand to hand ; wherefore a law was made that 
a man might borrow on the security of his father's 
dead body ; and the law provided also, that the 
lender should have a lien on the whole burial-vault of 
the borrower, and that the penalty for the giver of 
this security, should he fail to repay the debt, should 
be that he might neither himself be buried at death 
nor bury any deceased of his kin either in that tomb 
of his fathers nor in any other. Moreover, being 
desirous of excelling all who ruled Egypt before 
him, this king left a pyramid of brick to commemo- 
rate his name, on which is this Avriting, cut on a 
stone : — " Deem me not less than the pyramids of 
stone ; for I am as much more excellent than they 
as Zeus is than the other gods ; for they struck a 
pole down into a marsh and collected what mud 
"clave to tlie pole ; therewith they made bricks, and 
thus was I built." 

137. These were the acts of Asuchis. After him 
reigned a blind man called Anysis, of the town of 
that name. In his reign Egypt was invaded by 
Sabacos king of Ethiopia and a great army of Ethio- 
pians.^ The blind man fleeing away into the marshes, 
the Ethiopians ruled Egypt for fifty years. It is 

^ In Manetho's list three Ethiopian kings form the twenty- 
fifth dynasty, Sabacon, Sebichos, and Taracos (the Tirhaka 

of the Old Teataraent). 


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